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... BY ... 

CAMDEN, N. J. : 



There is only one edition of this 
work, limited to i,ooo copies, of 
which this is 






Chapter i. Colonial Times 7 

2. A Notable Colonial Leader 15 

3. Coadjutors 26 

" 4. School Days 30 

" 5. The Work of the Moravians among the Indians 41 

" 6. Persecution of the Indians 49 

" 7. The Ferocity of the White Man 70 

" 8. Shikellimy 82 

" 9. Indian Traditions 93 

" 10. The Indians along the Susquehanna iii 

" II. Traits of Indian Character 120 

" 12. History of the Indians 129 

" 13. Treaties with the Indians 145 

" 14. A Famous Indian Conference 156 

** 15. The Indian at Home 171 

" 16. Social Education 192 

" 17. Sickness and Death 204 

18. The Pioneers 216 

" 19. Fort Augusta 231 

" 20. From Inn-holder to Frontiersman 244 

" 21. Pioneer Experiences 256 

" 22. Home Life of the Settlers 273 

" 23. Early Methods of Transportation 286 

" 24. Beginning of the Revolution 298 

" 25. Rumors of War 314 

" 26. Beginning of the War 327 

" 27. Indian Massacres 338 

" 28. Vengeance Exacted 356 

" 29. The Confederation 373 

" 30. Wyoming 381 

" 31. Plunket's Invasion 390 

" 32. The Massacre 398 

" 33. Struggling for Possession 406 

" 34. Progress and End of Wyoming Troubles 421 

" 35. The Constitution 439 

" 36. After the War 454 

" 37. Matters Interesting to the Antes Descendants 409 


Where it h'as been impossible to illustrate by other than imaginary pictures, 
the most searching care has been given to the selection of the views as near the 
fact as is possible to obtain. 

Pictures opposite the numbers marked, except cases marked*. 

Frontispiece, the author of the book, Edwin MacMinn. 
From a half-tone made by "Harper Bros.," of New York. 
Page 22. The Wissahickon, near Cleaver's Mill, formerly Dewees' 
Kindly loaned by Mr. William H. Richardson, who has so suc- 
cessfully photographed the scene. 
" 25. Mt. St. Joseph Convent and Academy. 
Kindly loaned by the Mother Superior. 

The sides of the buildings presented are facing the spot occupied 
by the Antes-Dewees Mill. 
" 41. Zeisberger Preaching to the Indians. 

This is a photographic reproduction of the famous painting of 
Prof. E. Schuessele, in the possession of the Moravian Church, 
at Bethlehem. The photography was by Julius Sachsc, and the 
half-tone work is a masterpiece by Gatchell and Manning. It 
was to engrave this celebrated painting that John Sartain did 
his best work. 

Among the plates selected and prepared by the late John F. 
Meginnes to illustrate his books on the West Branch history, 
were several which have been generously placed at our service 
by Mrs. Meginnes. They are as follows : 

82. Shikellimy. 

338. A Stockade Fort to Protect Settlers from Indians. 

" The Weapons of a Frontier Scout. 

These were the property of Robert Covenhoven. 

316. Settler's Home in Muncy, in 1770. 
" Maclay's House in Sunbury, 1773, 

♦234. Caltrop. 

♦236. Map of Indian Purchases. 

328. Derr's Mill. 


Page 93. Tnic Town where Shikelumy Dwelt. 

" 231. Fort Augusta, at Shamokin. 

" 297. C0NF1.UENCE OF THE North and West Branches of the Sus- 
quehanna BEFORE Blue Hill. 

" 256. The Sketch Map of the West Branch is the result of close 
study and careful work by Joseph H. McMinn. It is in- 
valuable in explaining the early history of this famous 
324. The picture, Beside the Babbling Brook, was specially prepared 
for the "Ladies' Home Journal" as an illustration of rare 
merit. It is exactly like Antes Creek. We are indebted 
to the Curtis Publishing Company for its use. 

** 324. The Old Grist Mill was placed in our hands by Gatchell and 
Manning. The bluff above the mill is precisely like the 
bluff above the Antes mill, on which the Stockade Fort was 

From the American Baptist Publication Society we were 
privileged to obtain the following excellent pictures: 

" 272. Grandmother's Spinning Wheel. 

" 226. Savage Wolves at the Cabin Door. 

" 352. Betsy Chilloway. 

" 221. The Settler's Lonely Home. 

" 398. The Massacre. 

" 211. William Penn making a Treaty with the Indians. 

" 347. Escape of William King. 

" 196. A Trader's Camp. 

"The Christian Work," of New York City, favored us with 
" Z7Z- the pictures of Independence Hall, in 1776, and the State 
House as it was originally. 

The Geological and Historical Society of Wilkesbarre 
kindly placed at our disposal the pictures: 

" 421. Forty Fort. 

" *405. Lazarus Stewart's Block House, and the 

" *38o. Map of the Wyoming Valley. All of great historical value. 

" 128. Major Pratt, of the Carlisle Indian School, generously favored 
us with: 

" 128. a The Indian School at Carlisle. 

bDR. Carlos Montezuma as an Apache, and 

c As A Physician in Chicago. 

d Tom Torijno as a Navajoe, and as a Carlisle Student. 


Professor J. M. M. Gernard, of Muncy, the editor of "Now and 
Page i8o. Then," has enabled us to use the plates of Pottery and Indian 
193. Pipes, specially made to represent specimens which he found, and 
now has in his extensive collection of Indian relics. 

Professor D. B. Brunner, A. M., of Reading, cx-Congrcssman 
of Berks county. Pa., has skillfully made cuts of many of the 
choice Indian relics which he has picked up in the fields about 

" no. He has given us the use of some of these of Axks, Si'Kars, 
Knivks and Arrow Points, which, for accuracy, are unsurpassed. 

The series of pictures of the five Leading Educational Institu- 
tions, in the Susquehanna Valleys, arc given to show the mar- 
velous advancement of civilization and prosperity attained when 
hardships once were so bravely endured. 

*' 64. State Normal School, located in Lock Haven, at the western 
end of the West Branch Valley. 
Furnished by J. R. Flickinger, Principal. 
285. Dickinson's Seminary, in Williamsport. 

Furnished by E. J. Grey, D. D., President. 
390. State Normal School, located at Bloomsburg, near the site of 
Fort Freeland. 
Furnished by J. P. Welsh, Ph. D., Principal. 
430. The Wyoming Seminary, located at Kingston, in the center of 
the disputed territory. 
Furnished by L. L. Sprague, D. D., President. 
470. BucKNELL University, near the site of Dorr's Mill. 
Furnished by W. C. Gretzinger. Registrar. 
All of these schools are of the highest merit, and prove that 
these valleys are unsurpassed in the refinements and advantages 
of this day. 


In the studies connected with the preparation of the book, 
"A German Hero of Pennsylvania," published some fifteen years 
ago, the author was impressed with the fact that justice had never 
been given the Antes family in the history of the development 
of Pennsylvania. The welcome that book received, and the en- 
dorsement of it by many of the most accurate writers of colonial 
history, led the author to prepare on a more extended scale a 
statement of the services the sons of Henry Antes rendered the 

The author has taken great care to learn the exact facts, and 
to do this has searched the Congressional Library at Washington, 
the Mercantile Library in Philadelphia, the Philadelphia City 
Library, the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
and the Salem City Public Library. He has also searched the 
county records of deeds, wills and mortgages of Philadelphia, 
Montgomery, Northumberland and Lycoming Counties. He has 
also availed himself of favors shown by Messrs. John W. Jordan, 
Henry S. Doterer, Ethen Allen Weaver, Rev. H. E. Hayden, 
J. H. MacMinn and other specialists in departments of 
the field of research traversed. There have been placed in 
his hands original letters, unpublished archives and other mat- 
ter of original sources of information in the possession of in- 
dividuals and of the Historical Society of Pennnsylvania, and 
of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem. He has also visited the 
localities and has conversed with the aged people whose mem- 
ories carried them back to conversations with their sires, giving 
the traditions of those days. And in addition to all these 
sources, he has read carefully the following books to gather 
information: Archives of the State of Pennsylvania, Colonial 


Records of Pennsylvania, His.tory of Chester County by Futhey, 
History of Montgomery County by Bean, History of Lycom- 
ing County by Stewart, History of Lycoming County by Me- 
ginnes. History of Northumberland County, History of Buf- 
falo Valley by Linn, History of the West Branch Valley by Me- 
ginnes. Biographical Annals by Meginnes, History of Wyoming 
by Charles Miner, Gordan's Pennsylvania, Watson's Annals of 
Philadelphia, Watson's Annals of New York, all the volumes of 
the Pennsylvania Magazine, Winterbotham's History of Ameri- 
ca, Historical Review of Pennsylvania by Benjamin Franklin, 
Pennsylvania Historical Collections by Day, Transactions of the 
Historical and Literary Committee of the American Philosophi- 
cal Society, The Making of the Nation by Walker, Through Col- 
onial Doorways by Anna H. Wharton, Life and Writings of John 
Dickinson, History of the People of the United States by Mc- 
Master, A Short History of the English Colonies in America 
by Lodge, Discovery of America by John Fiske, Dutch and Qua- 
ker Colonists by John Fiske, Winning of the West by Roosevelt, 
Life and Writings of De Witt Clinton, Life of Franklin by Bige- 
low. Life of Franklin by Parton, Life of Jefferson by Morse, Life 
of Alexander Hamilton by Lodge, Sketches of William Brad- 
ford, the Potts' Memorial, Genealogist, Vol. i ; Ridpath's His- 
tory of the United States, Household History of the United 
States by Eggleston, Sketches of Montgomery County Historical 
Society, Settlement of Germantown by Samuel W. Pennypacker, 
Egle's History of Pennsylvania, Bolles' History of Pennsylvania, 
Smith's History of New Jersey, Autobiography of Charles Bid- 
die, The Colonial Era by Fisher, Life of Daniel Boone, Memorials 
of the Moravian Church, Moravian Seminary Souvenir, Mora- 
vian History by Reichel, Zeisberger's Diary, Old Landmarks by 
Hagen, Antiquities of the Southern Indians by Jones, Book of 
the Indians by Drake, Schoolcraft's Notes on the Iroquois, An 
Account of the History, Manners and Customs of the Indians 
by Heckewelder, all the volumes of Notes and Queries by Egle, 
etc., etc. 


It would, perhaps, be claiming too much to assert accuracy 
in every particular, but the author has spared no pains to make 
the presentation as accurate and valuable as the extensive sources 
of information given him would allow. One very pleasing ac- 
companiment of his labors has been the personal assistance and 
friendship of many who are known to fame, and are among the 
most learned and loyal of the sons of Pennsylvania, and the en- 
couraging letters from a large number of generous subscribers 
to the publication of the book. 




AT THE present time the thoughts of the reading people arc 
turned toward that period of our history when the founda- 
tions of government were being laid. Historians are pre- 
senting the events in order as they occurred with the plainness 
and exactness that are essential to make history worth the read- 
ing. In these volumes attention is given to the men and events 
around which the current of the forces involved swirled and 
eddied. These histories are not dull reading. They bristle with 
accounts that stir the patriotic heart, and in the descendants of 
the brave men of that time arouse a pride that threatens to develop 
into an aristocracy, which is even now assuming form under such 
names as **The Order of the Cincinnati," "The Sons of the Rev- 
olution," "The Colonial Dames," "The Daughters of the Rev- 
olution," and others. 

Closely following the historian is the "Pedigree Hunter." 
Sometimes these are employed professionally by those who wish 
to have a standing in the new aristocracy, but of themselves are 
unable to furnish the necessary proofs of their pedigree. Others, 
sure of their facts, and equally desirous of showing their patriotic 
ancestry, search the records of ancient times, and gather from 
old tnmks, chests and the secret drawers of cabinets musty and 
faded letters, clippings of colonial papers, parchment deeds and 
elaborately written wills, and present these as proof of their 
right to be in the company of those who, from the begfinning of 
our National history, have been patriots of the purest sort. These 
people are well known by the county clerks and the librarians 
of old libraries, and extremely old people, who are supposed to 
cherish remembrances of their early days, and can recall the 
traditions of their day, which, generally, are reliable and of 


great value. Through these workers the past is being resurrected 
and the work of the historian supplemented with great advantage 
to all who will, in the future, learn the story of our early days. 

The field of Colonial times has also been entered by a third 
party with an energy and brightness that is astonishing the world. 
There is a class of writers who combine the historic perceptive 
qualities with a strong imagination and are producing a class of 
fiction that is being read with avidity by hundreds of thousands 
of the thinking people of the land. Indeed, from this class of 
writers will be gleaned all the knowledge of Colonial times that 
the great mass of the people will ever possess. It is fortunate 
for the readers that these writers are conscientious, and are pro- 
ducing stories that are worth the reading because of the truth 
that is in the midst of their fanciful portrayals of characters. 

In this story of the career of Colonel Henry Antes, the at- 
tempt is made to present the life of one who was so identified with 
various movements in the development of the frontier of Penn- 
sylvania, as to constitute him a* representative character. He was 
brought into intimate relations with the men who stand out as 
the controling thinkers and workers of the Colonial regime. In 
his earlier days, Benjamin Franklin and John Dickinson were 
the dominant factors, and the political strife was on the problem 
of the limitation of the powers of the proprietary government. 
In his later days, Andrew Jackson was the cynosure of all eyes, 
and the era of internal improvements was being ushered in. Be- 
tween these two periods occurred the war of the Revolution, the 
war of 1812, and the careers of Washington, Jefferson; Adams, 
Madison, Monroe, Hamilton, and their compeers. But the activ- 
ities of Col. Henry Antes were not so much with these men as 
with the men they were leading. As a local leader of the people, 
he represents the forces at work in the substratum of government. 
A study of his life shows us how our ancestors lived, and wrought, 
and became prosperous, while fair and fertile fields succeeded for- 
ests, and palatial edifices of brick and stone and marble arose 
from the spot where the log cabin of the brave pioneer had stood. 

\\'hen Col. Henry Antes was in his prime, the territory un- 
der the civilization of the English race was very small compared 
with what it is to-day. The treaty that secured the independence 
of the colonies ceded a territory that stretched from the Atlantic 
Ocean to the Mississippi, and from the Great Lakes on the north 


to the 31st parallel and the southern border of Georgia. This 
section was parcelled among the thirteen States, of which only 
seven had well defined boundaries. Even in these the greater, 
part was a wilderness. The coast line from Maine to Georgia 
was broken by many spaces of undeveloped lands and straggling 
villages, where there were a few fishers' cots built of rough hewn 
logs and thatched with sea weed. Between Portland and the St. 
Lawrence there w^ere no settlements. Beyond Schenectady, in 
New York State, the white man dared not go, because the land 
was occupied by the organized tribes of Indians, and there they 
had their homes, and dwelt in built houses, and tilled their fields 
and raised fruit in extensive orchards, and hunted the wild ani- 
mals in the primitive forests about them. In Pennsylvania the 
entire northern, western and central parts were a wilderness bear- 
ing great trees, while the streams were the highways where the 
Indian moved free from fear of the white man. In Virginia 
there were only a few straggling villages about the headwaters of 
their great rivers, and beyond that, in the States of Kentucky and 
Tennessee, there were only a few hunters and trappers and traders 
who were slowly fighting their way as the advance guard of the 
aggressive Scotch-Irish settlers who were closely following them. 
The valley of the Mississippi was coveted by the various coun- 
tries of Europe and it was not at all certain whether France, or 
Spain, or England, would finally possess it. No white man had 
yet seen the headwaters of the mighty river, and the territory 
beyond it was the region of speculation and mythology. 

At that time Philadelphia was the principal city in North 
America, and in its streets were seen the representatives of all 
nationalities and the varieties of dress of every class found on this 
side of the Atlantic. Here the Indians and the white men held 
great councils and professed peaceful sentiments while display- 
ing all the dignity and grandeur that each of them was capable 
of presenting. 

Although the seat of Quaker simplicity, Philadelphia had the 
reputation of being the richest, most fashionable and most ex- 
travagant city on the continent. Men of prominence were rec- 
ognized as soon as they appeared on the streets, and because of the 
influx of foreigners, the social lines were distinctly drawn by those 
who assumed to be the choice people of the commonwealth. The 
people lived over their stores and built balconies in front of their 


houses, where they sat and watched the passing people and saluted 
their friends. Chestnut street, the principal street, was a daily 
parade ground for those who delighted in showing the latest im- 
portations from the shops of Europe. A gentleman appeared on 
the street wearing a three-cornered hat heavily laced ; hair done 
up in a cue, and the color of it made uncertain by the profusion 
of powder sprinkled upon it. His light colored coat had a long 
back and was surmounted with a small cape. The silver buttons 
on the coat were engraved with the initials of the owner's name. 
His small clothes hardly reached his knees, his stockings were 
striped, his shoes pointed, on which he wore large buckles, and 
he carried a cane which he flourished as he walked. A lady ap- 
peared dressed in gorgeous brocades displayed over cumbrous 
hoops which stood out at least two feet from her form. Her hat 
was in the shape of a tower, and was sunrKumted with tall feath- 
ers. When a gentleman passed a lady they both courtesied pro- 
foundly, taking half the pavement to make the evolutions. 

Henry Cabot Lodge says: *'In a community with so large 
an interest in trade and shopkeeping, there was, of course, from 
the outset, the usual tendency to concentrate for the better pros- 
ecution of business. Philadelphia throve from the beginning, was 
in the year 1750 second only to Boston in size and importance, 
and by the time of the Revolution had become the first city in 
America in population. The inhabitants of the city proper num- 
bered more than 25,000, and those of the suburbs carried the total 
above 30,000. The city was laid out on the imbecile checker- 
board fashion, now almost universal in the United States, and 
the High street running through the center of the town was the 
great promenade for the citizens. From the very outset good 
building was the rule; the houses were chiefly of brick, some of 
stone, and but few of wood. The public buildings were comely 
and useful structures, and considered in their day imposing and 
handsome. The churches were small and unpretentious, but neat. 
The open squares, long rows of poplars, and large gardens and 
orchards atout the houses of the better sort gave some relief to 
the rigid lines of the streets. In the matter of police regula- 
tions, more had been done in Philadelphia at that time than in 
most cities in any part of the world, and this was chiefly due to 
the genius and quiet energy of Franklin. At his arrival the town 
was filthy and unpaved, unlighted, and guarded only by half a 


dozen constables drawn from the citizens. When the Continen- 
tal Congress assembled the crossings everywhere were paved, 
as well as the principal streets ; there was a regular watch to patrol 
the town, cleaning was performed by contract, instead of inef- 
ficiently by convicts, and the streets were dimly lighted. By 
Franklin's exertions the city had come to be the pride of the 
province, and there was abundant legislation for its benefit. The 
well built houses, sometimes rising over shops and store-houses, 
sometimes surrounded by gardens, were generally in the English 
style of the Eighteenth century. They all had broad porches and 
projecting roofs and windows. Many w^ere adorned with bal- 
conies, and the old dials set in the walls served in large measure 
as timekeepers to a race ignorant of steam engines. The most 
characteristic feature of the town was the sidewalks, marked off 
from the roadway by posts at short intervals, and by pumps, sur- 
mounted by lamps, and thirty yards apart. Within these posts 
foot passengers found protection from vehicles, and convivial 
gentlemen groping their way home through the faintly lighted 
streets butted against them and were thus kept in the foot-path 
and out of the gutter. Houses and sidewalks were scrupulously 
clean, and even the large and commodious market, at the end of 
the High street, filled every morning with a busy crowd, was neat, 
quiet and orderly. All the foreign commerce of the province cen- 
tered in Philadelphia, and the quays along the river were the scene 
of bustle and activity inseparable from thriving trade. Great 
fairs brought in the country people, and these, with the seamen 
and strangers, gave life and variety to the streets and squares. 

*'Most of the citizens lived in rooms over their shops, which 
were tended by their wives and daughters, and their daily life was 
as sober, monotonous and respectable as their Qukker garb. They 
still preserved the customs and traditions of their founder, which 
were rapidly giving way before the accumulation of wealth, the 
increase of luxury and the presence of ever increasing sects, 
whose leading tenets were not simplicity of dress or manners. 
But the traders and shopkeepers differed only in degree from the 
upper classes, whose mode of life has been preserved for us in 
many ways. The old style of living was one of extreme sim- 
plicity, but luxury began to come in rapidly after the middle of 
the Eighteenth century, when tea and coffee came into general 
use, the bare floors began to be carpeted, and the bare walls pa- 


pered. There was in every way plenty of substantial comfort. 
The houses were large, broad, with dormer windows and bal- 
conies, and usually in the midst of pretty gardens. The rooms 
were low and spacious, with heavy wainscots and large open fire 
places, while the furniture and silver were plain and massive, but 
handsome, and often rich." 

We will introduce the reader to Col. Henry Antes at a time 
when the entire country was in a state of intense excitement. His 
name, like that of his father, was properly John Henry, but the 
John was dropped, and he was always spoken of simply as Henry 

Henry Antes, well fixed in his new home on the west branch 
of the Susquehanna, had come to Philadelphia to receive his ap- 
pointment from the Lieutenant Governor as a Justice of the Com- 
monwealth. It was at a time when the masses of people were 
surging through the city in a state of wonder at the portents of 
the times. Coming from the frontier. Antes was dressed in a 
suit of home-tanned deer skin, trimmed with bear's teeth, and 
wearing a fur cap, on which was the bristling tail of a fox. He 
wore a belt made of rattlesnake skin and carried the rifle that was 
the inevitable complement to the attire of a backwoodsman. He 
was a large man, lx)th in stature and in breadth of shoulders, and 
attracted attention wherever he passed from the dignity and maj- 
esty of his appearanc^. 

It did not take much time for him to walk through the city. 
In a few moments he w^alked from the soldiers' barracks in the 
Northern Liberties down to the Hospital, and from the Hospital 
to the river at the foot of Chestnut street, and thence up to the 
State House and to the famous "Inn,*' just across the street from 
the State House, which was the rendezvous of the most distin- 
guished strangers in the city. 

What a companyjlie saw there. Benjamin Franklin had just 
returned from England after a fruitless endeavor to prevent war 
between the Mother Country and the Colonies. Just before 
Franklin arrived the battles of Lexington and Concord had been 
fought. Immediately on his arrival, Franklin liad been appointed 
by the Assembly that was then in session a deputy to tlie Gen- 
eral Congress that was meeting in Philadelphia. Parton says: 
'^Delegates to the Congress began to reach Pliiladel])hia soon after 
Franklin's arrival. Mav the ninth the four members from South 


Carolina landed from the Charleston packet, and had joyful wel- 
come. The next day approached in a body the delegates from 
Virginia, North Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, George 
Washington and Patrick Henry among them. There was no 
drilling in the public grounds of Philadelphia on that day. The 
officers of all the city companies, and nearly every gentleman who 
could get a horse, five hundred mounted men in all, rode six miles 
out of town to meet the coming members and escort them to the 
city. At the distance of two miles the cavalcade was met by the 
companies of foot and a band of music. All Philadelphia gather- 
ed in the streets, at the windows, on the house-tops, to see the 
procession pass and salute the delegates with cheers. The day 
after arrived the members from New England, New York and 
New Jersey, whose whole journey had been an ovation. Con- 
gress met on the tenth of May with nearly every one of the 
sixty-three delegates present. They adopted the New England 
army as their own and elected George Washington Commander- 

Old Christopher Marshall, a retired druggist of Philadelphia, 
a Quaker expelled for taking an active part against the King, 
wrote in his diary on the seventh of May : "It is admirable to 
see the alteration in the tory class in this place since the account 
of the engagement in New England ; their language is quite sof- 
tened, and many of them have so far renounced their former sen- 
timents as that they have taken in arms and are joined in the as- 
sociations; nay, even many of the stiff Quakers, some even of 
those who drew up the Testimony, are ashamed of their pro- 
ceedings. The Friends held a meeting last fifth day afternoon 
in order to consider how to send a supply to the Bostonians, it 
being a matter they had before treated with contempt and ridicule. 
The people were signing petitions to the Assembly asking them to 
raise fifty thousand pounds for the defense of the province, and 
to obstruct the navigation of the river by sinking ships. Military 
companies, organized on Franklin's system, were exercising in 
every public ground in and about the city, while the Philosophical 
Society was searching its books to discover the process of making 
saltpeter. Soon the bold conception was promulgated that, per- 
haps by the favor of Heaven and the wit of patriots, even cannon 
might be cast in Philadelphia." 

It was a great event, when, early in the next year, Frederick 


Antes announced to Congress that he and Mr. Potts had succeed- 
ed in casting and proving at Warwick furnace, in Chester County, 
a four-pounder cannon, the first thus cast in America. 

In that company of five hundred horsemen we see the Antes 
brothers, Frederick, WilHam and Henry, and in the course of this 
history will sKow why they are entitled to a position among the 
patriot fathers w^ho laid so broad and strong the foundations of 
our liberties. We will go back to the days of their father and 
catch hold of the threads that are to be woven into Iheir robe of 



THE FATHER of John Henry Antes was one of the most 
(bstinguished men in the Colony of Pennsylvania. In that 
transition period there were several rival classes struggling 
to obtain the supremacy in shaping the affairs of the Colony. The 
material which they had to work upon and to bring into harmony 
was of the most diverse character. The oppressed of all nations 
had to come to Pennsylvania to realize their dream of liberty, and 
to find a home where they could rear their children in a freedom 
that had been pictured to them in glowing colors by the agents of 
the Penns. 

These immigrants, with seeming oneness of purpose, brought 
with them the peculiarities of their ancestral homes, which had 
become a part of their natures through ages of hereditary trans- 
mission. By these their ideas of liberty were colored, and, as a 
consequence, the conception of the duties and privileges belonging 
to their new estate were as varied as the countries from which 
they came. 

The problem of the rulers was to bring these people into a 
compact relationship that would give strength and stability to the 
new State. 

Reichel says: *'There could not be found at that time on 
any other spot on the globe such a mixture of nationalities and 
languages, such a medley of opinions and views so freely main- 
tained and so fearlessly proclaimed, as in Pennsylvania. English 
and Irish. Scotch and W^'elsh, Germans and Swiss, Swedes and 
Danes, Dutch and French, Jews and Indians were scattered 
throughout the whole province, maintaining their nationalities 
without any political restraint, and still more variegated, perhaps, 
were the religious views of the first settlers. Truth and error, 
genuine piety and utter indifference to all religion, fanaticism and 
mere formality, were to be found side by side in the enjoyment 
of equal rights and privileges.'' 

In Philadelphia the conservative English Quakers were at 


first supreme. But a growing spirit of radicalism, under the vigor- 
ous leadership of Franklin, threatened to overthrow them. This 
culminated in the social and political dissensions so painfully prom- 
inent at the bursting forth of the war for independence. Near 
the city there were colonies of Welsh, who, in a strong clannish 
spirit, attempted to perpetuate the customs handed down from 
centuries of ancestors. Toward the frontier the bold and sturdy 
Scotch and Irish braved the greatest hardships, and holding fast 
to their religious customs defied alike the terrors of the wilder- 
ness and the savage Indians that roamed beneath their shades. 
But of all that came there were none more interesting than the 

Reichel says: **In 1682 the Frankfort Company was formed 
by ten gentlemen of note, mostly Mennonites, living in Frankfort 
on the Main. The object of this company was to procure an asy- 
lum in Pennsylvania for their friends and religious associates. 
In 1683, August 20, one of the leaders of this company, F. Dan- 
iel Pastorius, arrived on the shores of the Delaware with twenty 
German and Dutch families, and they were soon followed by 
others. They bought nearly 8,000 acres of land from Penn, the 
Germantown and Manatawny patent, and in 1685, October 25, 
Germantown was laid out, and in 1689 incorporated by the As- 
sembly the first German town in Pennsylvania. The compara- 
tively small number of German immigrants, which, however* 
gradually increased, was in 1709 followed by an emigration en 
masse. The continual wars on the continent of Europe, scarcity 
of provisions, causing an actual famine, and, above all, the re- 
ligious oppression of the different governments in connection 
with repeated changes in the confession of faith, especially in the 
Palatinate, awakened among the masses a desire for the land of 
liberty. The distress seemed to have reached its climax in the 
dreadful winter of 1709, when thousands died of cold and star- 
vation. The invitation of Queen Anne, of England, promising 
free transportation to America and good land without price, was 
therefore joyfully accepted, and in a short time no less than 30,000 
Germans had left their native places, relying on the promise of 
the British Queen." 

Many of these newcomers built their homes on the hills above 
• the city, until Germantown was like one of the tcnvns of the fath- 
erland. In among the cliffs of the Wissahickon scholarlv men. 


with mystical aspirations, enraptured with an ideal hermit life, 
built themselves hermitages and in solitude, or in communities 
of those likeminded, gave themselves to the contemplation of holy 
things. Some of these men had thorough university training, as 
also the vigorous health of unimpared manhood. Their habits 
were not as startling to the people of their day as they would be 
to us, because, when Philadelphia was in its infancy, necessity 
compelled many to dwell in caves dug out of the bank of the river, 
or in the plainest log huts that could be put together. There were 
no homes for the wearied passengers discharged from the ships, 
and many dwelt in booths under the shelter of the forest trees. 
To these travelers the hermits administered help and counsel. 
Their peculiar religious fanaticism was manifested only as their 
hermit isolation was long continued. 

These Germans, however, had a hard time of it. One of 
them wrote a book from which we quote as follows: 

"Only the misfortunes which I myself endured, and the 
wicked devices which the Newlanders tried to play upon me, 
and my family, wakened in me a sense of cl^ity not to conceal 
that which I knew. The most important object of this state- 
ment was the miserable and distressful condition of those who 
migrate from Germany to this new land, and the inexcusable 
and remorseless dealings of the Dutch traffickers in human 
beings, and their man-stealing emissaries, the so-called New- 
landers, for they entrap, as it were, the people of Germany by 
means of all sorts of plausible deceptions, and deliver them in 
the hands of the great Dutch sellers of souls. The latter derive 
a large profit and the Newlanders a small profit from this trade. 
Before I left Pennsylvania, as it became known that I intended 
to return to Wurtemberg, many Wurtembergers, Durlachers 
and Palatines, of whom many are there, who every day of their 
lives bemoan and bewail their lot, in having left their Father- 
land, besought me with tears and upraised hands for God's sake 
to make known to Germany their misery and heart pangs, so 
that not only the common people, but also the princes and no- 
bility might know their experience, and that innocent souls 
might no more be persuaded by the Newlanders to leave the 
Fatherland and be led into a life of slavery." 

After describing the terrors of the voyage, he continues: 



"Finally, when, after the wearisome and perilous voyage, 
the vessel nears the land which the passengers have desired 
so anxiously and so longingly to see, all crawl upon the ship's 
deck to gaze upon it in the distance. When they discern the 
shores they w^eep for joy, and pray and sing to the good Lord, 
in love, gratitude and praise. The sight of the green earth gives 
the people on the vessel new life, even to the sick and half dead, 
making their spirits to leap and shout with gladness. They 
are willing to bear all their miseries patiently, in the hope of 
soon landing in safety. But, alas, when the ship, after the long 
voyage, arrives at Philadelphia, no one is permitted to leave 
her except such as can pay their passage money, or can furnish 
good sureties; those who have not the means with which to 
pay must remain on board until they are sold, and are re- 
leased from the ship by their purchasers. Now, the condition 
of the sick is the most serious, for the healthy are the more 
readily purchased. The suffering sick oftentimes remain in 
the ship lying in the harbor two or three weeks, sometimes 
even dying. The traffic in human beings at the ship market 
is conducted as follows: Every day Englishmen, Hollanders 
and High Germans from the City of Philadelphia, and from 
other places, sometimes from a distance of twenty, thirty or 
forty leagues, come to the newly arrived ship which has brought 
passengers from Europe, and has them for sale, and select from 
the healthy persons those suited to their wants, and bargain 
with them as to the length of time they are willing to serve in 
payment of their sea passage, which usually they owe in full. 
When an agreement is reached, it happens that grown persons 
bind themselves in wTiting to serve for three, four or five years, 
according to their strength and years, for their passage money. 
The quite young, from ten to fifteen years of age, must serve 
until they are twenty-one. Many parents trade and sell their 
own children like cattle, by which means only the parents, if 
the children assume the payment of the passage money, are 
released from the ship. As the parents do not know to what 
sort of persons, or to what place their children will go, it often 
happens that parents do not see their children for many years 
after their departure from the ship : or, it may even happen they 
will not again see each other during life. Often it happens 


that the entire family — husband, wife and children — become 
separated by reason of having been bought by different persons, 
this being the case when such persons can pay nothing what- 
ever on account of their passage. The forenoon following the 
anchoring before Philadelphia of a ship with a load of pas- 
sengers, all the males above the age of fifteen are taken out of 
the vessel in a boat to the wharf, landed, and marched two by 
two to the Court House or City Hall. 

**Here they must swear allegiance to the Crown of Great 
Britain. When this is done they are again taken back to the 
ship. After this the trade in human beings begins as I have 

In the records of the Reformed Church of Freinsheim, in the 
Palatinate, are the names of the six children of Philipp Frederick 
and Anna Katharine Antes, and the dates of their baptism. The 
eldest of these was John Henry, who was baptized the 17th of 
July, 1 70 1, and the youngest was Johannes, in 17 16. This shows 
that the Antes family was living there in the year 1716. The 
next record is as follows: On the 20th of February, 1722-3, 
Frederick Antes (written Anttos), of Germantown, bought of 
Heinrick Van Bebber 154 acres, situate in Philadelphia county, 
part of 500 acres bought by said Van Bebber on the 4th of No- 
vember, 17 18, of John Henry Sprogell, being part of the tract of 
22,377 acres in Mahanitania. Antes paid for this land £38 and 5 
shillings, Pennsylvania money. There is also this entry in the 
Land Office, 7 br., 14, 1724. Agreed with Frederick Antes for 
the land called Darby Greens, in Limerick, about 300 and odd 
acres, at £22 p. C't; £30 to be p'd next 3 mo., and interest for the 
rest till paid. 

This shows that the Antes family came to this country with 
capital to establish themselves wherever they chose for a per- 
manent home. There is no mention of any of the children but 
Henry and a daughter, Maria Elizabeth, who married John Esch- 
bach, of Oley, a prominent man among the settlers. Frederick 
Antes from the first was one of the principal officers of the Re- 
formed Church of Falckner Swamp, and in this faith trained his 

Henry Antes was associated with the most prom- 
inent men of his time in movements for the public good. He 


was the great helper of Zinzendorf in his religious efforts, and 
with Whitefield in his schemes of philantrophy, and with Muhlen- 
burg in matters of education, and with the Justices of the Colony 
in securing for all classes the rights which the laws of the pro- 
vince assured them. Whenever the German people needed a 
champion he was ready to serve them. When they were accused 
of being disloyal to the Proprietary Government, he vindicated 
them in a speech of great power, and turned the opposition into 
their favor. He gave up his home that it might be used as a 
school for young people. He inaugurated the Unity Conferences, 
which was the beginning of the movement that in these times is 
known as Christian Endeavor. In proof of the claim that he is 
the Father of this movement, we present his letter calling these 

"Call for a meeting of Christians, to be held on New Year's 
Day, 1742, in German town. In the name of Jesus, Amen! 

** My Dear Friend and Brother : Since a fearful injury- 
is done in the Church of Christ among those souls who are called 
to the Lamb, and this mostly through mistrust and suspicion, and 
that often without foundation, which one entertains towards an- 
other, by which every attempt to do good is frustrated — and since 
contrary to this we are commanded to love one another — the ques- 
tion has been discussed in the minds of some persons for two or 
more years whether it would not be possible to bring about a Gen- 
eral Assembly, not for the purpose of disputing with one another, 
but to confer in love on the important articles of faith, in order to 
see how near all could come together in fundamental points, and 
in other matters that do not overthrow the ground of salvation, 
to bear with one another in charity, that thus all judging and 
condemning among the above-mentioned souls might be abated 
and prevented ; since by such uncharitableness we exix)se ourselves 
before the world and give it occasion to say : 'Those who preach 
peace and conversion themselves stand against one another.' 
These facts have induced many brethren and God fearing souls to 
take this important matter into earnest consideration, and to view 
it in the presence of the Lord. And they have concluded to as- 
semble on the coming New Year's Day in Germantown. Ac- 
cordingly you are heartily entreated with several others of your 


brethren who rest on good ground, and can give a reason for their 
faith, to assemble with us, if the Lord permits you so to do. 
Nearly all others have been informed of this by the same kind of 
letter as is here sent to you. It is believed that it will be a large 
assembly ; but let not this keep you back ; everything will be done 
without rumor. The Lord Jesus grant His blessing to it. 
'*From your poor and humble, but sincere friend and brother, 

** Henry Antes. 
''Frederick Township, in Philadelphia County, Dec. 15, 1741." 

For ten years Henry Antes was one of the Justices of Penn- 
sylvania. He was distinguished for his breadth of view and pro- 
gressiveness, as the friend of the oppressed, and the benefactor of 
the poor. 

Christopher Sauer, the publisher of the German newspaper 
that had great influence among the Germans, said in the issue of 
May 1 6th, 1756: 

"By this opportunity the editor cannot justly omit to state 
what he has heard as truth concerning Henry Antes, viz. : When 
he had been for a long time prostrated by sickness, and he felt the 
end of life was near, a warm friend visited him and inquired how 
he regarded his past administration of the office of Justice of the 
Peace; whether he felt easy in mind concerning this. He an- 
swered : He did not desire the office, and accepted it contrary to 
his own wishes because so many desired him to accept ; he walked 
in uprightness himself and administered justice to others to the 
extent of his ability. He never respected the person in passing 
judgment. . When his friend, or a rich man, yes, even a justice, 
was in the wrong, he helped the poor man to his rights, nor did he 
favor his children against a stranger ; and he did not lie down to 
rest until he had examined his entire day's work and had ascer- 
tained that he had performed his office as he would have men do 
to him; and when he erred in judgment through ignorance, he 
made the correction directly. Therefore he felt quite at ease con- 
cerning his office of judge and he longed only for dissolution. 
He died in a state of impartiality toward all men and parties. 
Were such magistrates more numerous, the poor would not have 
cause to complain and to weep over gross injustices which they 
have to suflfer because persons are respected.'* 

Such was the father of John Henry Antes. 


In his family Bible he made the following record : "Fifth of 
October, 1736. A son was born to me this morning at three 
o'clock. I named him John Henry. The Saviour preserve him 
to eternal life. He was baptized by John Philip Boehm. I my- 
self stood as sponser at the baptism." 

The following shows the ancestry of Christina, the wife 
of Henry Antes : 

In the year 1644 there was born in the Principality of 
Broich, Holland, William Ryttinghuisen. For generations his 
ancestors had been engaged in the manufacture of paper. Some 
time before 1690 William Rittenhouse came to Pennsylvania 
with his three children, and with his son Claus, or Nicholas, 
built the first paper mill in America. On the seventh of May, 
1691, they were granted naturalization by Thomas Lloyd, the 
Deputy Governor. 

William Rittenhouse died in 1708, and was probably buried 
in the burial ground of the Mennonists, in Germantown, of 
which church he and his son Claus were ministers. After his 
death the business was continued by his son Claus. 

Claus, or Nicholas, Rittenhouse married Wilhelmina Dew- 
ees, a sister of William Dewees, of Germantown. 

The second paper mill in the American Colonies was 
erected by William Dewees in the year 1710, on the west side 
of Wissahickon Creek, in that part of Germantown known 
as Crefeld, near the line of the present Montgomery County, 
then called the Manor of Springfield. The probability is that 
Dewees had learned the art of paper making from the Rit- 

In 1726 Henry Antes married Christina, the daughter of 
William Dewees, and a flour mill was added to the Crefeld 
paper mill. Here Antes worked for three years. 

In 1734 ;Claus Rittenhouse died. In 1732 David Rit- 
tenhouse, the American astronomer, was born. He was the 
grandson of Claus. Thus Rittenhouse, the astronomer, and 
Colonel Henry Antes had the same great-grandfather, in the 
person of the father of William Dewees. 

In that valuable work, "The Settlement of Germantown/' 
by Judge Pennypacker, we are told that many persons fall into 
error in tracing the old families, because they ignore the old 













■ • i^v- ?5^ 

-•-f ''^ - .. 



*y ^^^K If^^fli^H 

; A 


Dutch habit of omitting the final or local appellation in their 
statements of persons. This statement is made in reference 
to the name of Gerhard Hendricks Dewees, who, with his wife, 
Mary, and daughter, Sarah, and a servant, Heinrich Frey, came 
over in the ship Francis Dorothy, October 12th, 1685. He 
purchased 200 acres of land from Sipman. He came from 
Kriegsheim, and was the grandson of Adrian Hendricks Dew- 
ees, a Hollander, who lived in Amsterdam. He is referred to 
in the records of Germantown as Gerhard Hendricks, the name 
Dew-ees, according to the Dutch custom, being omitted. The 
matter of his ancestry, however, needs further identification. 

In 1690 William Dewees, thirteen years of age, came from 
Arnheim, or Leenwarden, Friesland, with Cornelius Dewees, 
w^ho was most probably his brother. Together they purchased 
land in the Van Bebber tract, and in time Cornelius settled on 
this tract, but William never lived on it. He dwelt in German- 
town- and bought and sold land. In 1704 Cornelius Dewees 
is recorded as being a juryman in Germantown in the case be- 
tween Matthew Smith and Abraham Op de Graeff. In 1704 
William Dewees was the Constable of Germantown. In 1706 
he was the Sheriff, and Cornelius was one of the two Con- 
stables. Both William and Cornelius sent their children to 
the school taught by Francis Daniel Pastorius. In 1708 Cor- 
nelius moved to the Van Bebber tract, which comprised what 
is now Perkioming Township. 

In 1729, the 26th of March, William Dewees purchased 
a place in Crefeldt and entered into the making of paper, while 
Henry Antes attended to the part of the mill devoted to the 
making of flour, as the following record of indenture shows : 

This indenture, made the second day of February, in the 
year of our Lord 1730, between William Dewees, of Crefeldt, 
in the Township of Germantown, and County of Philadelphia, 
Papermaker, and Christina, his wife, of the one part, and Henry 
Antes, of Hanover Township, said county. Carpenter, of the 
second part ^ ^ ^ 

Whereas, by a certain indenture, made the twenty-sixth 
of March last, between Gerard Brownpach, of Winesence Town- 
ship, County of Chester, Yoeman, and Mary, his w^ife: Jacob 
Sheymer, of Bebber's Township, County of Philadelphia, and 


Margaret, his wife ; John Jansen, of Sulphur Township, County 
of Philadelphia, and Elizabeth, his wife; Benjamin Howell, of 
Germantown Township, County of Philadelphia, and Kathar- 
ine, his wife, and Christina als Styntie Paupen, of Winesence 
Tow^nship, spinster (children of the late Havent Paupen, of Ger- 
mantown), of one part, and William Dewees of the other part, 
they did grant ***** 93 acres, 3 roods and 20 perch- 
^g * ♦ * gj.jg^ j^jii^ ^y,^ p^jj. Qf stones and two bolting 
mills, and mill house * * * * were built and erected, 
found and provided at the joint and equal costs and charges 
of William Dewees and Henry Antes. Digging and making 
dams and mill race, and providing and putting up the geers of 
the paper mill at sole charges of William Dewees. * * * * 
For the money and labor expended by Henry Antes and £25 
the one-half interest in the grist mill and ground is conveyed 
to Henry Antes. The paper mill being to be only served by 
the overplus of water when the grist mills are first supplied. 

Those who signed as witnesses for Christina Dewees were 
Jacob Engle and Thomas Yorke, before Edward Roberts, Jus- 
tice, February 22nd, 1730. The full record of this transaction 
is in the Philadelphia Recorder's office. Deed Book, F. 5, page 


William Dewees lived on this tract from the time he took 
possession until the day of his death, in 1745. Here, also, Henry 
Antes lived for three or five years, until he removed to the mill 
he purchased of Hagerman, near the branches of the Perkiom- 
ing, in Hanover Township. 

This was the birthplace of three of his children, Frederick, 
William and Elizabeth. This is the tract on which the Convent 
and Academy of Mt. St. Joseph's stands to-day. It is an in- 
stitution of rare educational value. 

As the home of William Dewees, it possesses a peculiar 
interest, for he was a man of strong religious principles, and 
did all in his power to advance the cause of his Redeemer. At 
that time there was no house of worship for the members of 
the Reformed Faith and William Dewees opened his own house 
to their needs. He was an elder in the church, and Frederick 
Antes, the father of Henry Antes, was another elder of the same 
faith. The church that met in the house of William Dewees 
was called the Whitemarsh Reformed Church. 










John Philip Boehm, their minister, thus writes to the au- 
thorities of the church in Holland: In the congregation at 
Whitemarsh we have as yet nothing at all (in the way of 
church edifice), but during all this long time we have made 
use of the house of Elder William Dewees for holding divine 
service without any unwillingness from his honor or the least 
expectation of payment. This worthy man cherishes a con- 
stant and pious hope that God will yet provide the means (to 
build a church). 

Thus, this beautiful spot has, from the beginning, been 
the home of religion and education. The oldest deed of it, now 
in possession of the Mt. St. Joseph^s Convent, is a deed from 
Henry Antes in the year 1738. 



THE SAME month in which John Henry Antes was born 
there were two events that were destined to deeply influence 
his career. One was the arrival of Bishop Spangenberg, 
who became his father's most intimate friend, and the director of 
his early education. The other event was the conference with the 
Indians in Philadelphia, held by the Deputy-Governor, James 

Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg was born July 15th, 1694. 
His father was a Lutheran Minister in Northern Germany. The 
son received a classical education in the University of Jena, and 
studied theology under Dr. Buddes, from whom he learned these 
two principles: i. **That children of God may be found in all 
denominations ; and 2. That the true Christian Church consists of 
those who live in intimate communion with the Saviour." For 
six years he was a popular lecturer at Jena, and afterward a Pro- 
fessor of the University of Halle. At this time there was a great 
deal of religious persecution in various parts of Germany. Against 
this spirit Zinzendorf stood as the friend of everyone who was 
seeking to do the will of the Redeemer. Spangenberg's liberal 
way of thinking brought him in close contact w^ith many of these 
separatists and with Zinzendorf. This created an ill feeling at 
the University, and as a consequence Spangenberg w^as required 
to leave. He went to Herrnhut, where he became Zinzendorf's 
most intimate friend and helper. The opposition to Zinzendorf 
and his religious views led to his banishment from Saxony and the 
establishment of colonies of his people. Zinzendorf united two 
purposes in one, namely, to make a permanent abode for his 
people in Georgia, and at the same time to begin a mission among 
the Cherokee and Creek Indians. Spangenberg accomi)anied the 
brethren to Georgia to superintend the work of the brethren. 
Here he became acquainted w-ith John Wesley, who was impressed 


with the fervent piety and the great theological erudition of the 
German. Here the work among the Indians was begun, but it 
soon found a check, because, when the Spaniards tried to expel 
the English from Georgia, and the latter called on the Moravians 
to bear arms, they refused, as it was contrary to their most cher- 
ished principles. Spangenberg was instructed to visit the Swenk- 
felders in Pennsylvania. Here he worked on a farm and preach- 
ed among the people as the opportunity offered. Here he met 
Henry Antes, and the similarity of their aim in serving the Sa- 
vior became the basis of a friendship that was never broken. The 
wife of Henry Antes, carrying the infant John Henry in her arms, 
served Spangenberg with the hospitality of a truly Christian 

Another intimate friend of Henry Antes, and a visitor at his 
home, was Conrad Weiser, one of the most useful men in the 
Colony. He was one of the Justices and a companion of Antes 
in the Unity Conferences, an Indian interpreter and a guide or 
scout to the great camping places of the Indians. Conrad Weiser 
was born in Germany in 1696. When seventeen years of age his 
father, who was one of the Deputies to arrange for the settlement 
of the Germans at Schoharie, left him with an Indian chief to 
learn the language in use among the Six Nations. 

Through the greed and duplicity of the English merchants 
the Germans were robbed of their settlements and were forced to 
seek another home. Gov. William Keith invited them to settle 
in Pennsylvania. They came across the wilderness to the Susque- 
hanna, and floated down the river to the mouth of the Swatara 
creek, which they ascended, and made a permanent settlement at 
Tulpehocken. Conrad Weiser was a man of great influence 
among these persecuted people. The effect of his conversations at 
the fireside of the Antes family upon the awakening mind of the 
boy John Henry can be readily imagined. 

In 1736, while Henry Antes was preaching peace and good 
will among the Germans, a council was held in Philadelphia be- 
tween James Logan, the Governor, and one hundred chiefs of the 
Six Nations. The chiefs sat in the body of the Quaker meeting 
house, and the galleries were crowded with spectators. The 
Seneca chief, Kanickhungo, was the principle speaker, and while 
presents were being exchanged, expressions of peace and friend- 


ship were spoken. It was a very solemn occasion, for the spirit of 
trouble was in the air. Eleven days after the council, when the 
head men of the tribes had gone away, the few that remained sold 
to the proprietary all the lands lying between the mouth of the 
Susquehanna and Kittatinny hills, extending eastward as far as 
the heads of the branches or springs which run into the Susque- 

This sale laid the foundation for terrible consequences. It 
was only one instance of the way in which the Indians were cheat- 
ed out of their lands. Drake says, **By his last will Governor 
Penn devised to his grandson, William Penn, and his heirs 10,000 
acres of land, to be laid out in proper and beneficial places in this 
province by his trustees. \\'illiam Penn, the grandson, sold out 
this land to a gentleman — Mr. William Allen, a great land jobber. 
By a little management Allen got his land located, generally 
where he desired. One considerable tract included part of Mini- 
sink, and no previous arrangement had been made with those In- 
dians. No sooner had the new proprietor got the lands surveyed 
to him than he began to sell it to those that would go on at once 
and settle it. About the same time proposals were published for 
a land lottery, and by the conditions of these proposals not the 
least notice was taken, or the least reserve made of the rights of 
the Indians. But on the contrary such persons as had settled 
upon lands that did not belong to them, were, in case they drew 
prizes, to remain unmolested upon the lands of the Indians. By 
this means much of the land in the Forks of the Delaware, as well 
as other places, being taken up by this kind of gambling, the In- 
dians were thus crowded out of it. To still the clamors of these 
injured people recourse was had to as great abuses as had already 
been practiced. Crimes were sought to be clouded by bold strat- 
agem. The Iroquois were connived with, and they came for- 
ward, confirmed the doings of the land jobbers, and ordered the 
Delawares to leave the country. They were to choose one of the 
two horns of a dreadful dilemma. The power of the Iroquois 
could not be withstood, backed as it was by the English. They 
ordered the Delawares to remove, or they would destroy them. 
This was the foundation of the Delawares uniting with the French 
against the English, and the dreadful massacres that devastated 
this entire territorv.'' 


In March, 1742, the fourth of the Unity Conferences was 
held at the house of Mr. Ashmead, in Germantown. Zinzendorf 
was at this meeting. During their deliberations the question of 
the wrongs done the Indians was considered, and Henry Antes 
was appointed to make a thorough examination of the case and 
see that justice was done the Indians. The task committed to 
Antes was of the most delicate nature, requiring the finest address 
to allay the suspicions of the Indians, and to win their confidence. 
While the proprietary government was dealing with the Indians 
from the standpoint of greed, blinded to the power of the poor 
dupes to obtain revenge when they found themselves deceived, 
the Moravians, thoroughly upright in all their transactions, la- 
bored to win them to Christ. The spirit of the Unity Confer- 
ences was not mere theorizing; it was intensely practical to 
these noble God fearing men. Antes, Weiser and Spangenberg 
were actuated by the same motives. If they had prevailed there 
would have been no Indian war. But greed prevailed, and the 
infant boy in the Antes household was destined to fight in the 
battle, when the entire province was weltering in the throes of 



THE WORK of the Moravians from the beginning was upon 
a system that calculated strictly beforehand every neces- 
sity, and provided for every emergency. In the Pennsyl- 
vania wilderness they sought to carry forward the methods that 
had been so well established in Halle and in London. 

The entire church at Bethlehem was considered and treated 
as a family. All the members sat at one table. The divisions, 
according to sex and age, w^ere placed in choirs. It was some- 
what similar to the Ephrata method, but not precisely the same. 
The Ephrata people considered the solitary state most holy 
and acceptable to God, w^hile the Moravians honored married 
life, and emphasized the felicity of the children of God in terms 
taken from matrimonial life. In 1743 the system w^as adopted 
and placed in working order. The mothers retained the charge 
of their children until they w^ere eighteen months old, then the 
infants were placed in the nursery, which at first was at Bethle- 
hem and afterward at Nazareth. At four years of age the child 
was placed in a choir house, where it remained until nine or 
eleven years of age. Then it was transferred to another choir 
house, where it w^as kept until fourteen years of age. Then the 
young men became members of the choir house of the Single 

In 1743 Henry Antes sent his children from his home to 
school. Ann Margaret w^as sent to England in the care of 
Count Zinzendorf, where she received her education and mar- 
ried Rev. Benjamin Latrobe, a Moravian minister. Ann Cath- 
arine, the eldest daughter, went to Nazareth as one of the care- 
takers in the nursery. Little John Henry was sent to this school 
and had the pleasure of being in the company and the care of 
his own sister. 

In 1745 Henry Antes gave up his home in Frederick Town- 
ship to the needs of the society, and his house became the 


school for boys, and he, with his wife, removed to Bethlehem. 
When this transfer was made John Henry was removed from 
the boys' choir and placed in the choir house of the Single 
Brethren, in Bethlehem. Again he was fortunate, for he was 
now near his parents, and, beside, his brothers, Philip Frederick 
and William, were already established in this same choir house. 
In this building there were more than eighty boys, under the 
spiritual superintendence of Nathaniel Seidel and Gottlieb 
Pezold. The building in which they were placed is the one now 
known as the Sisters* Home. In 1748 the Single Brethren 
built a larger house for themselves, which is now the middle 
building of the Young Ladies' Seminary, and gave their for- 
mer house to the Sisters. In the construction of this building 
the Antes boys were taught masonry and carpentering, for the 
education the Moravians gave fitted the youths for all the duties 
of life. The Antes boys remained in this choir house until 1750, 
when they returned with their parents to their home, in Fred- 
erick Township. 

The training in all the choir houses was eminently relig- 
ious. With every new adventure there was a love feast, at which 
hymns, composed by Bishop Spangenberg, were sung. There 
were love feasts every Saturday afternoon, commencing Jan- 
. uary 30, 1745. There was a special love feast at the be- 
ginning of plowing, and when the farm work was done, and 
when buildings were finished. The spinning business was closed 
with prayer, and love feasts for the milkers, threshers and others 
were frequent. Writing of the Nazareth Colonists, Spangen- 
berg says: "They connect the Savior and His blood with all 
they do or say ; they highly esteem their patriarchal economy ; 
they grow in spiritual matters while working bodily. Nowhere 
else have such beautiful and edifying hymns for shepherds, 
ploughers, threshers, reapers, spinners, knitters, washers, sew- 
ers and others been composed as among them and by them. 
They would fill a whole farmer's hymn book. In Nazareth, as 
well as in Bethlehem, the special choir and class meetings were 
introduced, besides which there was also an especial day of fes- 
tive remembrance for the original Colonists, namely, the twenty- 
seventh day of May, on which day most of the married people, 
who were now living in one house and formed one family, had 
been married." 


The system of education thus adopted by the Moravians, 
in many essential features, is the boast of distinguished colleges 
of to-day. In Nazareth there was the germ of the agricultural 
college, in Bethlehem there was the forerunner of the Wil- 
liamson Industrial School ; the church was the first of the Amer- 
ican Institutional churches. But the essential and ever active 
principle of the Moravian school was religion. A consistent, 
useful and joyful devotion of all one's powers and energies to 
the service of God and humanity. The men at the head were 
consecrated men of learning and piety. When the hour came 
for their baptism of fire they did not shrink from the ordeal, 
but went triumphantly into the warring and seething flames. 
Their joyfulriess was a prominent feature of their lives. With 
them the German love of singing found full expression. Music 
was a part of their being. There was no violation of propriety 
for them to sing. Melody and praise kept their hearts glad in 
the darkest hours. As a guide to the devotions of the young 
students there was used a collection of texts of Scripture called 
the **Daily Words," or "Meditations for each day in the year.** 
Thus, every day they were reminded of the great object of their 

Courage in the presence of contagious diseases was incul- 
cated by the example of the leaders as the following instance will 
show : 

On the organization of the refugees from Shecomeco into 
a Christian congregation, at Friedenshutten, on the 24th of 
July, 1746, John — a drunken Indian that had been converted 
by Ranch — was appointed their teacher. Soon after smallpox 
broke out at the Indian quarters. To this malady he fell a 
victim after a painful illness of seven days, during which he gave 
evidence of the mighty work of grace which the Spirit of God 
had wrought in his heart. In the presence of his weeping 
countrymen, who had been summoned to his bed side, and amid 
the prayers of Spangenberg and Ranch the spirit of the patient 
sufferer passed away. This was on the 27th of August. In the 
afternoon of Sunday, the 28th, a funeral sermon was delivered 
by Ranch, and the remains were conveyed to the grave-yard 
amid the strains of solemn music. As the body was lowered 
into the earth Nicodemus, the Elder, knelt by the grave and 


offered prayer. Nicodemus, or, as he was called, Weshichage- 
chive, was a half brother to Teedyuscung, the great King of 
the Delawares. He was baptized by Bishop Cammerhof, at 
Bethlehem, in June, 1749. In 1754 he withdrew from the mis- 
sion at Gnadenhutten, returning to the Indian country. 

The concurrent testimony of those who knew John shows 
that he was not unworthy of the name of the beloved disciple 
which he bore, and that this evangelist among his people was 
a marvelous instance of the transforming power of divine grace. 
In the graveyard, at Bethlehem, there were buried fifty-eight 
Indian converts between 1746 and 1761, representatives of all 
the tribes and stations where the Brethren had labored as mis- 

As the ferry across the Lehigh river was at Bethlehem 
all travelers from upper New York, and all the Indians at- 
tending the councils in Philadelphia, passed through the town, 
stopping for a period of time as suited their necessities, and 
replenishing their stores of provisions and clothing. Thus, the 
people of Bethlehem were kept posted concerning the doings 
all along the frontier. 

In October, 1748, Bishop John de Watteville arrived in 
Bethlehem, accompanied by his wife, Benigna, the oldest daugh- 
ter of Count Zinzendorf. After a journey through the Indian 
stations he called a Synod, which was the first of the Moravian 
Synods that met in America. All the ministers and laborers 
of the congregation, about one hundred and ten brethren and 
eighty sisters, and about one hundred guests from twenty-one 
different places, assembled in a large room of the newly erected 
Single Brethren's House. Brother Spangenberg opened the 
Synod, and de Watteville gave the following statement of the 
doctrines of the Brotherhood : " Our doctrine of the Lamb and 
his wounds is a power of God and contains a certain something 
which all must feel who come near us. The description of the 
pleura and the nail prints of the Lamb shines powerfully into 
the hearts and eyes, leaving something behind which cannot 
be erased. And this power of God belongs to the doctrine of 
the pleura exclusively, compared to which all other methods 
of doctrine, be they arranged ever so ingeniously, are dry and 



empty, nor can they leave a real blessing for the heart. By his 
wounds and his blood, and by the spirit of his pleura and his 
Philadelphia, the Savior has formed and sealed the Brethren's 
Church, and whoever is seeking the kingdom of the cross, to 
him we say, *Here it is!' Therefore, we believe that all those 
who are born out of the pleura, and, therefore, are children of 
God, will love us and appreciate our doctrine of the Lamb." 

It was at this meeting that Henry Antes was appointed 
Consenior Civilis. Because he was an officer of the Province he 
was given charge of the political affairs of the congregation. 

Amid such surroundings and under such influences John 
Henry Antes was educated. He passed the plastic days of his 
youth under the fostering care of the great Moravian leaders, and 
of many who later, during the Indian troubles, gave their lives 
for the faith. There was the constant stimulus of heroic deeds re- 
lated by those who went forth on missionary tours and re- 
turned to rest aiid regain their strength in the peaceful courts of 
the choir houses. 

In the * Xife of Henry Antes," I have written as follows : 
" Having thus far traced the course of the life of this prominent 
man, we have found him to be endowed with such faculties as well 
fitted him for an adviser and a leader of the people. With a great 
heart, loving his friends intensely, but his Lord and Savior 
more, ready to make any amount of personal sacrifice in order to 
serve his Master and his fellow men, and in the midst of all man- 
ner of opportunities for self aggrandizement, keeping himself 
unspotted from the world. As we see him the loving companion 
of Spangenberg, of Nitschman, of Zeisberger, men of purest 
character and indisputable zeal for the Lord, we naturally think 
that nothing but death could sever such strong and reciprocated 
ties, and yet, strange as it may seem, there was a severance of the 
ties that bound them — not the ties of friendship — ^but the ties of 
fellowship in the work of the Lord. And the severance was 
sharp, emphatic and irreversible. It sorely grieved the hearts of 
all parties, and yet, for conscience sake. Antes felt that he could 
not return to the fold he had done so much to establish. He 
allowed his children to follow the dictates of their own con- 
sciences. Some of them remained with the Moravians, and some 
went to the Reformed Church." 


The account of the separation from the Brethren is very 
short. It is this: " In April, 1750, the Moravians at Bethlehem 
introduced the wearing of the white robe or surplice by the Minis- 
ter at the celebration of the Eucharist. Henry Antes disap- 
proved of this, and withdrew from their communion.'* 

Taking into consideration the zeal and practical common 
sense of Henry Antes, this statement has not been satisfactory 
in accounting for such a vital action on his part. But we are no 
longer in the dark about the matter, which is clearly explained 
by Rev. Levin Theodore Reichel in his " Early History of the 
Moravians in America." We give his account in full. 

" Brother Spangenberg, to whom was entrusted all the 
affairs of the Brethren in America, though able to accomplish a 
great deal and always willing to perform any kind of work, grad- 
ually became convinced that without an able and efficient assis- 
tant he could not do justice to the multifarious demands on his 
time and strength, and therefore, in 1745, urgently desired that 
his brethren in Europe might send him an assistant. Even before 
his letters arrived, the Synod of the Brethren assembled at Zeist, 
in Holland, in May, 1746, had appointed Brother John Christian 
Frederick Cammerhof for this office, who arrived in Pennsyl- 
vania January, 1747, and labored there four years. By his in- 
fluence considerable changes were brought about both in the spirit 
of the congregation and in the external arrangements. 

" Schrautenbach characterizes him as a young man of ami- 
able and affable disposition, well versed in the metaphysical and 
ecclesiastical sciences, of much spirit, great courage and untiring 
energy in the service of the Savior and the Brethrens' Church. 
He was bom on July 28, 1721, near Magdeburg, and studied 
theology in the University of Jena, where he became acquainted 
with the Brethren and especially with Brother John Nitschman, 
afterwards his colleague at Bethlehem. He became teacher in 
Kloster Bergen, a Protestant school under the direction of Abt 
Steinmetz, who highly esteemed him and his fellow student, 
Theopolis Shumann. Acquainted with the pietistic method of 
edification, and not finding therein peace for their souls, Cammer- 
hof and Shumann left the ranks of the Lutheran Church and 
went in 1743 to Marienbom, where they were received into the 


Seminary of the Brethren, and for a time assisted in transcribing 
missionary reports, under the immediate superintendence of 
Count Zinzendorf. 

** Brother Cammerhof having been married in July, 1746, 
to Anna de Pahlen, a Livonian baroness, was consecrated in 
London September, 1746, by Zinzendorf, Martin Dober and 
Steinhofer as Bishop of the Brethrens* Church for the country 
congregations of North America. Soon after his arrival in 
Pennsylvania he commenced his epistolary correspondence with 
the directing Board of the Unity in Europe, which probably has 
never been carried on with such minuteness, for some of these 
letters, of which copies have been preserved for the Bethlehem 
archives, contain more than a hundred closely written pages, 
giving a full insight into the work of the Brethren, even to its 
most minute details. From these letters of the youthful Bishop 
it appears plainly that the enthusiastic love for the Savior which 
was cherished by Cammerhof and that band of disciples with 
whom he was associated bordered on fanaticism. He had left 
the new settlements of the Brethren in Wetteravia at a time 
when the most sober-minded brethren began to talk sentimental 
nonsense, and the whole church was in imminent peril of being 
led away from the substance of the Gospel by a puerile and often 
silly mode of expression, and of embracing fatal delusions. For 
more than a century the Brethrens' Church has acknowledged 
that this was the period of sifting, the time in which much chaff 
was separated from the wheat, the time in which much wood, 
hay and stubble was built on that foundation than which no other 
can be laid — a superstructure which but a few years later was 
consumed in that fiery persecution by which Herrnhaag, the 
most numerous of all the congregations, was scattered to the 
winds. We would not revert to these times at all if the asser- 
tions made now and then, that these delusions had not found 
their way to America, were perfectly correct. Bishop Cam- 
merhof introduced them, fostered them, and was praised for it. 
With his death all vestiges of these delusions ceased at once." 

And wherein did these delusions consist? Bishop Holmes 
gives the following concise and sufficient answer : " In their 
zeal to root out self-righteousness, the Brethren were not suffi- 


ciently on their guard against levity in expression. The delight 
they took in speaking of the sufferings of Christ, which arose 
from the penetrating sense they had of their infinite value, by 
degrees degenerated into fanciful representations of the various 
scenes of His passion. Their style in speaking and writing lost 
its former plainness and simplicity and became turgid, puerile 
and fanatical, abounding in playful allusions to Christ as the 
Lamb, the Bridegroom, &c., by which he is described in Holy 
Writ, and in fanciful representations of the wound in His side. 
In describing the spiritual relation between Christ and His 
Church the highly figurative language of the Canticles was sub- 
stituted in the place of the dignified simplicity used by our 
Savior and His Apostles when speaking on this subject. Some 
less experienced preachers even seemed to vie with each other in 
introducing into their discourses the most extravagant and 
often wholly unintelligible expressions. This kept the hearers 
in a state of constant excitement, but was not calculated to 
subject every thought of the heart to the obedience of Christ. 
Religion, instead of enlightening the understanding, governing 
the affections and regulating the general conduct, became a play 
of the imagination. 

" This species of fanaticism first broke out at Herrnhaag in 
the year 1746, and from thence spread into several other congre- 
gations. Many were carried away by it, for it seemed to promise a 
certain joyous perfection, representing believers as innocent, play- 
ful children, who might be quite at their ease amidst all the trials 
and difficulties incident to the present life. The effect produced 
was such as might be expected. The more serious members of the 
Church (and these after all formed the major part) bitterly 
lamented an evil which they could not eradicate. Others, con- 
sidering the malady as incurable, withdrew from its communion. 
The behavior of such as were most infected with this error, 
though not immoral and criminal, was yet highly disgraceful to 
their Christian profession. 

" Pictorial representations of the sufferings of Christ, illum- 
inations of the church and other public buildings, birthday cele- 
brations, connected with expensive love- feasts, were manifesta- 
tions of the unnaturally excited poetic spirit of the congregation, 


which in its practical consequences led to extravagances — and 
to debts. Peter Bohler, at the time in England as superinten- 
dent of the monetary affairs of the Chuch there, was fully aware 
of the fearful increase of their liabilities, and raised a warning 
voice, but his protest was not heeded. Neither was any atten- 
tion paid to the wise counsels of Spangenberg, who in a letter 
to Count Zinzendorf, in 1746, expressed his forebodings in refer- 
ence to the lavish expenditures in the European settlements and 
their inevitable consequences. This letter was not answered, and 
Spangenberg, the most faithful and indefatigable of all the 
brethren, had reason to suppose that some of the most influen- 
tial of his brethren in Europe looked upon him with a suspicious 
eye, considering him as having become lukewarm because he, 
the man of good common sense, could not appreciate their ex- 
travagant religious notions, nor approve of the sentimental non- 
sense, which in a flood of hymns was pouring over to America 
also. He rejoiced to receive in Cammerhof a faithful and able 
assistant, but was inwardly grieved when he perceived that the 
latter had received secret instructions according to which he 
acted in such a manner that the original idea of Zinzendorf of a 
Church of God in the Spirit was gradually but entirely set 

It can easily be seen how these extravagances would affect 
the practical man of affairs, Antes. There would be toleration 
and hope of change for awhile, then, as constant friction would 
take place between him, as Consenior Civilis, and the Bishop, he 
would lose the spirit of toleration and act with firmness and deci- 
sion. There can be no doubt but that this change affected the 
entire future career of his three oldest sons. They left the 
Moravian fold and became men of affairs in the Commonwealth. 
They were by nature leaders of men, and all through their lives 
they were thus recognized by their fellows. If this breach had 
not occurred, they might have become preachers of the Gospel; 
as it was, they became patriots, and foundation stones in the con- 
stitutional edifice of Pennsylvania. 

In a conversation with Bishop Levering, of the Moravian 
Church, I learned the following particulars relative to the separ- 
ation of Henry Antes from the Moravians. Bishop Levering 


has spent much time in searching the records of the Church and 
formed his opinions from what was therein recorded. He said 
that there was not much recorded about Henry Antes because 
he was averse to speaking about himself. He did not approve 
of the laudatory mention so often made by the various mem- 
bers of the Brotherhood and for himself declined to thus win 
renown. Also, the records at the time of the trouble say little 
about him, because those in authority were not disposed to recite 
his views about their conduct. Yet the fact was that Antes 
was the leading man among them, and that whenever they got 
in a tight place they trusted to him to get them out. He never 
separated himself from the Moravians, but simply retired from 
an official position. Until the time of his death he was fre- 
quently called to Bethlehem on consultation concerning im- 
portant matters, and nothing of importance was undertaken until 
he had been consulted. Bohler was not the business head, but 
was the agent engaged by Whitefield to build houses on his 
property. Immediately after the breach, John Nitschmann, the 
leader in it, was recalled to Europe, and Spangenberg returned to 
take charge of the affairs at Bethlehem. He and Antes were 
inseparable companions. In the midst of the trouble Antes 
wrote a letter in explanation to Zinzendorf that was expected to 
set matters straight, but no answer ever came, and this led to the 
conclusion that the letter had been intercepted and prevented 
from reaching Zinzendorf, for Zinzendorf reposed the greatest 
confidence in Antes, and would have been influenced by what he 
had written. Cammerhof was very friendly to Antes, and 
valued him highly, and would have done nothing to cause a 
breach, although he was one of the most ardent of those who used 
the objectionable figures of speech. It w^as John Nitschmann 
that was the cause of the trouble, and he remained unyielding 
in his determination to effect changes in the method of doing 
things pertaining to the Economy of the Brethren. The final 
parting was under exceedingly pathetic circumstances, and re- 
flects great credit on the beautiful character of Antes. 

Antes had frequently expostulated against the wrong course 
that was being pursued, and as his w-ords had no effect, deter- 
mined to remove from Bethlehem to his own home. He waited 


until he had completed building the mill at Freidensthal, and 
some other operations that had been begun, then came to Bethle- 
hem and placed his household goods on the wagon drawn by his 
oxen. Then, while the oxen were waiting, he called to Nitsch- 
mann to come out of the house and bid him farewell. But Nitsch- 
mann would not even come to the door. Antes begged that he 
would only promise to cease using certain words in his speech 
and only a slight change in the vestments at the celebration of the 
service, and he would unpack his goods, and all would be well 
again. But Nitschmann would make no concession, nor would 
he even see Antes. Antes stood by the heads of his oxen and 
began to weep in uncontrollable emotion, but neither his words 
nor his tears moved Nitschmann. Then, with the brethren about 
him weeping and lamenting, Antes gave the word and the oxen 
were started on the journey to his home. As he turned from the 
house in which Nitschmann remained, Cammerhof, weeping with 
Antes, accompanied him part of the way on the journey, and 
finally, mingling their tears, they parted. However, the love 
that was mutual caused them to be often together. The children 
of Antes were allowed to remain or go home as they pleased, and 
while the boys went home the girls remained. They were not 
separated, however, for the frequent visits of the parents to 
Bethlehem kept them in close touch with each other. At the time 
of the separation Benigna was only two years old ; when twelve 
years of age she died a victim to smallpox, that scourge that car- 
ried away so many of the people of the frontier. 






i^ ' 1 



^^^^^^b: ^^:.4^^^^B^fc^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 










IN ONE respect the leaders of the Moravians were of equal de- 
votion, that was in the work for the conversion of the wild 

and savage Indians. Whatever vagaries they manifested 
when in their meeting houses, or before their fellow missionaries, 
they were ready at all times to endure any form of suffering if 
only they might be able to i)ersuade some benighted savage to 
seek the cleansing blood of the Lamb of God. 

While the Irish on the frontier treated the Indians as they 
would wolves or panthers, as if they had no souls and no right to 
pity, the Moravians looked uix)n them as lirethren in the mercy 
of God, and the proper subjects for the richest displays of divine 
grace. In the furtherance of this work, Spangenberg, de Watte- 
ville, Camnierhof, Brainard, Nitschmann, Ranch, Pyrleaus and 
Zeisberger were as one, and in heartiest union with them were 
Antes and Weiser. The confidence in the spiritual fellowship of 
Antes was manifested by their committing to his hands the mat- 
ter of rendering justice to the Indians who were defrauded by the 
officers of the Province. 

The Moravians were good bookkeepers; they recorded 
minutely their methods and experiences. Camnierhof was par- 
ticularly careful in recording everything. We owe to this care 
the observation of many facts that otherwise would have been 
lost to sight and have made gaps in the history of their doings 
which the historian would ceaselessly regret. One interesting 
paper is a table of subjects, in their order, directing their thoughts 
and teachings in securing the conversion of the Indians. It 
throws a flood of light upon the deeply consecrated spirit of these 
noble men of God. It is as follows : 


1. Daily walk and prayer. 

2. Singing and prayer in the presence of the Indian. 


3. The Lamb of God. 

4. Who is He? He was slain as a sacrifice for us. 

5. The depravity of man . 

6. Man's Redemption. 

7. The Lamb of God became a man for our good. 

8. Prayer for the heathen. 

9. Christ is addressed in prayer as the Creator of the 

10. Explanations adapted to their comprehension. 

11. Personal conversation when desired; but not too much 
of it. 

12. Dwell on man's evil heart and sin of unbelief. 

13. Spiritual and physical death. 

14. The resurrection call out of hell and out of the earth. 

15. The heart's desire for Gospel truth; and its indifference 
and unbelief. 

16. Desire is changed into love. 

17. Love is sustained by hope. 

18. The Sacraments. 

19. Baptism in the name of the Father, Son and Holy 

20. Explanations if called for. 

21. The Son has created, redeemed and sanctified all who 
come to Him. That at the name of Jesus every knee should 
bow, etc. 

22. Looking for the revelation of the Trinity to the heart 
and mind by the Holy Ghost. 

23. Prayer to Jesus, the Lamb slain as our Lord, God 
blessed forever, the Everlasting Father, etc. (Isa. ix, 6.) 

24. The IVinity. spoken of as the Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ and His Holy Spirit. 

25. The Divine Being, on whom all things depend, and to 
whom all things tend is Jesus, the Lamb, the Savior. 

The interest which Count Zinzendorf took in the Indians 
set the example to his ardent followers. After the meeting of 
the Conference in which Antes was appointed to see about the 
wrongs done the Indians, Zinzendorf determined on a tour to the 
haunts of the red men. Following is the account of it : 


At 6 P. M. of the 24th of July, Count Zinzendorf began his 
visit to the Delaware Indians still living in the Forks, and to 
those of the same nation living in the first valley north of the Blue 
Mountain. After visiting several of the Indian villages, they 
were about to return to Bethlehem when the Count had a pre- 
sentiment that his presence was required at Conrad Weiser's in 
Tulpehocken. He at once prepared to obey the call. He ar- 
rived at Weiser's on the third of August. Here he met the heads 
and deputies of the Six Nations on their way home from the 
Conference in Philadelphia. With these the Count ratified a 
covenant of friendship in behalf of the Brethren as their represen- 
tative, stipulating for permission for the latter to pass to and 
from, and sojourn within the domains of the great Iroquois Con- 
federacy, not as strangers but as friends. The meeting was con- 
ducted with all the etiquette and magniloquence of Indian 
diplomacy, and finally a string of wampum was handed to the 
Count by the savages to impress him with the sincerity of their de- 
cision, and for preservation as a perpetual token of the amicable 
relations just established. In this transaction Zinzendorf found 
a solution of the mysterious necessity which had impelled him to 
turn to Tulpehocken; and he recognized a special providence as 
having guided him thither and there opened a door for entrance 
among a people which, of all others, could be made most instru- 
mental in the spread of the Gospel among the various tribes of 
North American Indians. On the 28th of September Zinzendorf 
and his companions reached Shamokin. On the 30th they set 
out for Otstonwakin. They followed the warrior's path which led 
to Great Island, which skirted the northern bank of the river 
some forty miles to Otstonwakin, and then went due east about 
seventy miles to the Shawanese village on the Wyoming flats 
west of the Susquehanna. 

Zinzendorf failed to impress the Shawanese as he desired, 
but from this time the Gospel was carried to the mixed population 
of Indians scattered along both branches of the Susquehanna at 
Shamokin, Otstonwakin, Quenischachschaky, (Linden) Long 
Island, (Jersey Shore) Great Island, Nescopec, Wyoming and 

His experience with the Shawanese reveals the treacherous 


nature of that tribe. Having arrived on the banks of the Wyom- 
ing, the Indians could not beheve that he had come solely for their 
benefit, but had come to the conclusion that his real object was 
the acquisition of land; and they therefore resolved to put him 
to death. On a cool evening in September, as he sat alone in his 
tent upon a bundle of weeds, which was his bed, the appointed 
assassins approached his frail mansion. He had a small fire 
and was writing at the time; and nothing prevented the easy 
execution of their commission. A blanket suspended by the 
corners formed the door of his tent, and as the Indians drew this 
a little aside they beheld a large rattlesnake which the fire had 
driven from his cover lying near the venerable man, but not seen 
by him, being too deeply engaged in his subject to notice it or 
the more dangerous Indians. The rattlesnake being an animal 
they feared and respected as a kind of manitou, and seeing it in 
company with the stranger, they doubted not of his divine 
origin also, and shrunk from their object and returned to report 
what they had seen to their brethren in the village. 

Zinzendorf's reception by the savages was unfriendly, al- 
though from the first their visits were frequent. Painted with 
red and black, each with a large knife in his hand, they came in 
crowds about the tent again and again. He shared everything 
wMth them. The clothes on his back were not spared. One 
shirt button after another was given away, until all were gone, 
and likewise his shoe buckles, so that he was obliged to fasten 
his underclothes and tie his shoes wnth strings made of bast. 
The Shawanese chief turned a deaf ear to the proposition of the 
Count, and became vehement. Then Zinzendorf produced the 
string of wampum that the Sachems of the Six Nations had 
given him, but even its authoritative presence failed to move the 
savages in their determination or to mollify their murderous in- 

In 1753 Spangenberg recorded in his notes, "Zinzendorf 
told me last evening, to my great joy, that on examining his 
notes and memoranda (which he is in the habit of consulting 
after the manner of the old prophets, who, according to Peter, 
search what or what manner of time the Spirit of Christ which is 
in them did signify) he had ascertained how we were to act with 
regard to the Shawanese. As to those of the tribe who were 


residing at Skehandowana at the time of his sojourn there he 
stated that the Savior had told him it would be useless for us to 
attempt to aflFect anything with them, as they were treacherous 
and cruel and totally averse to the reception of Christianity. As 
to the rest of the tribe, he stated that from an intimation the 
Savior had given him at the time of his stay in Wyoming, he was 
inclined to believe that they would become an admirable people 
on their conversion, and that our efforts on their behalf would 
not be in vain. Furthermore, he observed that the promise the 
Savior had made him to effect the removal of the Shawanese, 
among whom his life had been in danger, was going into fulfill- 
ment ; that the lot he had cast and which had warned him of the 
Shawanese did not apply to that part of the tribe with which he 
had lately been negotiating, and finally that the Savior had made 
this decision." 

Letter from Conrad Weiscr to Ranch, the Missionary: 
" I shall be very happy to hear that these lines have found 
you in Shecomeco well and happy. I am very sorry that I did 
not meet you on my recent visit to Shecomeco. I presume your 
bodily weakness prevented your being there at that time. My 
stay there, to me, was most agreeable, and I left with very 
delightful impressions. The faith of the Indians in the Lord 
Jesus Christ ; their simple and straightforward manner ; the deep 
feeling wrought in their hearts by the blood of Jesus, and by the 
word of His grace, which you preach to them, affected me deeply, 
and convinced me that God is with you of a truth. 

" It seemed to me as though I saw before me a flock like that 
of the early Christians. Their old men sat on benches, or, for 
want of room, on the ground, and listened with grave and solemn 
devotion to the words of Brother Pyrlaeus, as though they would 
drink them in as they were flowing from his heart. John (once 
called Tchoop, or Job) was his interpreter, and did his part admir- 
ably. I consider him a man whom God has anointed with spirit 
and with power. I do not understand the Mohican language 
perfectly, but I can comprehend their ideas, as they are indicated 
by their peculiar mode of delivery, as well as any European in 
the country. In short, I consider it one of greatest privileges 
and mercies of my life that I have been at Shecomeco. The 
words, Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, to-day and forever. 


came to my soul with new life and power, as I saw, seated before 
me, these patriarches of the Aboriginal American Church, being 
so many witnesses of the sin-atoning sacrifice of our Lord Jesus 
Christ. May their prayers go up as a memorial before God ; and 
may Heaven defend them against their enemies. 

" That God Almighty may give you and your brethren an 
open door to the poor heathen is the heartfelt wish of your humble 
and sincere friend, 

Conrad Weiser. 

A striking instance of the success of the Moravians in in- 
fluencing Indian character is seen in the history of Michael. 

In the year 1742 a veteran warrior of the Lenape nation and 
Monsey tribe, renowned among his own people for his bravery 
and prowess, and equally dreaded by their enemies, joined the 
Christian Indians at Bethlehem. This man, who was then at an 
advanced age, had a most striking appearance, and could not be 
viewed without astonishment. Besides that, his body w^as full 
of scars where he had been struck and pierced by the arrows of 
the enemy. There was not a spot to be seen on that part of it 
which was exposed to view but what was tattooed over with some 
drawing relative to his achievements, so that the whole together 
struck the beholder with amazement and terror. On his whole 
face, neck, shoulders, arms, thighs and legs, as well as on his 
breast and back, were represented scenes of the various actions 
and engagements he had been in ; in short, the whole of his history 
was there deposited, which was well known to those of his nation, 
and was such that all who heard it thought that it could never 
be surpassed by man. Far from murdering those who were de- 
fenceless or unarmed, his generosity, as well as his courage and 
skill in the art of war, was acknowledged by all. When, after his 
conversion, he was questioned about his warlike feats, he frankly 
and modestly answered, that being now taken captive by Jesus 
Christ, it did not become him to relate the deeds he had done 
while in the service of the evil spirit, but that he was willing to 
give an account of the manner in which he had been conquered. 
At his baptism, on the 23rd of December, 1742, he received the 
name of Michael, which he preserved until his death, which hap- 
pened July 24th, 1756, when he was about eighty years of age. 

Individual instances may well portray the success of the 


Moravians in winning the Indians to the service of Christ, but 
their greater triumph is in the moulding of entire communities, 
an instance of which we see in the story of their Mission in the 
State of New York. 

"The Indians now have eleven winter houses. Several more 
are to be built, and it is very likely that all our people in Waich- 
quathnack will remove hither. We live on a mountain and they 
in a valley. When Waichquathnackian people will have re-" 
turned home from their hunt several of them will be baptized. 
There are some excellent souls among them, the fruits of Brother 
Isaac's preaching. This Indian brother is a great witness for 
Christ. Wherever he goes he testifies with power and effect of 
the blood of Christ. The blessed Savior has, during the past five 
weeks, done great things for him. He is becoming more and 
more sedate and correct in all his ways. The two most useful 
converts in Waichquathnack were, formerly, among the fore- 
most officers of the devil. There were no worse Indians in the 
tribe than they. But now, since they have been apprehended of 
Christ, they are like lambs, .and when we shall have immersed 
them into the blood of the Lamb they will, no doubt, prove to 
be true Lambs of Christ's flock. It is remarkable that the worst 
and wildest of these Indian savages are among the first converts. 
Oh, how wretched and abominable do* those (whites) appear 
before Christ, who are good and righteous in their own eyes. 
At our next baptism there will be, I think, eight or more can- 
didates who have hitherto stood in the foremost ranks of ungodly 
sinners. I look forward to that occasion with great joy. The 
grace which has bestowed upon these wild savages is most re- 
markable. And we, the Lord's poor children, sit by and behold 
what the Lord is doing, and rejoice over it all with exceeding 
great joy. 

"Dear brother, when I look upon our heathen brethren and 
remember what they were, and what they now are, I am over- 
whelmed with humble joy. It is impossible to describe the fer- 
vency of Abraham, the brotherly affection of Jacob, the zeal of 
Isaac, the contrite spirit of Joshua, the spiritual gifts of John, 
the willingness to labor, and the devotedness to Christ of Jona- 
than, the earnestness and inspiration of Sarah, the meekness of 


Esther and the childlike simplicity of Rebecca. To the Lamb be 
all the glory ! even so ! Everlasting thanks for the blood which 
sheds forth its power into every soul that draws near to Christ. 
All our other members are doing well. They are humble in heart 
and living in the full enjoyment of the grace of God, but those 
souls that are named above are certainly miracles of grace. 

"You have seen them and you know them well ; but, my dear 
brother, when you will meet Abraham in New York you will re- 
joice over him anew, for the grace of God is working mightily 
among his people, and it will not be long before this congrega- 
tion of Indians will, in all respects, resemble an Apostolical 

**My well-beloved brother Mack and myself have just had 
a long and close conversation with our Indian brother Jonathan. 
He is as tame and affectionate as a lamb. We were filled with 
astonishment when he told us how he had felt ever since his 
baptism. We were amazed at the great change which has taken 
place in him. I wish that all the single brethren in our home 
churches could have heard him speak. Many a one would have 
learned a good lesson from the words which fell from the lips 
of this wild Indian." 

At the Unity Conference at Oley, in 1742, Christian Henry 
Ranch was ordained to 'be a Missionary among the Indians be- 
tween Esopus and Albany; Gottlob Buttner as a Missionary 
among the Six Nations, and J. Christopher Pyrlaeus as Minister 
of the Lutheran Church in Philadelphia. After this act, prepara- 
tions were made for the baptism of three converted Indians who 
had come with the Missionary, Brother Ranch, from Shecomeco. 
The whole assembly, being met in a barn belonging to Mr. de 
Turk, the three catechumens were placed in the midst, and with 
fervent prayer and supplication were devoted to the Lord Jesus 
Christ, as His eternal property, upon which Brother Ranch, with 
great emotion of heart, baptized these first fruits of the North 
American Indians into the death of Jesus, calling Shabash, Abra- 
ham, Seim, Isaac and Kiop, Jacob. The Tunker brethren were 
present at this transaction, though the baptism was performed 
by sprinkling. These Indians are the persons referred to in the 
above statement. 



IN DOING the work of their Divine Master, the Moravians 
were ofter misunderstood and incurred the hatred of those 

among the settlers who entirely lacked the love of humanity. 
This latter class perpetrated the most horrible cruelties upon in- 
nocent men, and made no distinction on account of char- 
acter, but judged according to the color of the skin. The be- 
ginning of these atrocities was immediately following the de- 
feat of General Braddock, which brought a desolating storm of 
savage warfare upon the whole frontier. Many white settle- 
ments near the Blue Mountain were cut oflf, and even the poor 
brethren and Indians at Gnadenhutten did not escape. The 
Moravians and their Indian converts were in danger between two 
fires. The hostile Indians were burning and ravaging their vil- 
lages on the Lehigh. On the other hand the Irish on the Kitta- 
tinny Valley viewed with jealousy, not without some reason, the 
asylum afforded to hostile parties of Indians at the Christian 
Indian villages as they passed back and forth through the country. 
It was charged, too, against the Brethren, that they would not 
take up arms in defense of the colony; and falsely charged, more- 
over, that they were actually in league with the French. It was 
difficult to convince men, excited and exasperated by the murder 
of their families, that these charges were without foundation. 
They openly threatened to exterminate the Indian converts, and it 
was dangerous for the friendly Indians to even hunt in the woods. 
The missionaries themselves were insulted and abused. Under 
these circumstances the affrighted Indians, whose towns had been 
burnt, took refuge at Bethlehem. 

The Moravian establishments were a great obstacle to the 
designs of the hostile Indians, since they could not persuade the 
friendly Indians to destroy the missionary towns. Sometimes 
well disposed Indians, hearing of a plot against them by the war- 



riors, would travel all night to warn the Brethren. And thus 
their schemes were defeated. Great numbers of the distressed 
white settlers took refuge in the Moravian settlements. Hun- 
dreds of women and children came, even from distant places, cry- 
ing and begging for shelter; some almost destitute, having left 
their all and fled in the night. Some Brethren, going with 
wagons to fetch corn from the mill beyond the Blue Mountain, 
were met by a great number of white people in distress, the sav- 
ages having attacked their towns, murdered many, and set fire 
to their dwellings. The Brethren loaded their wagons with these 
people. Bethlehem, Nazareth, Friedensthal, Christianbrun and the 
Rose were considered at this time asylums for all as long as 
there w^as room; and the empty school houses and mills were 
allotted them for residence. 

In January, 1757, public service began to be performed at 
Bethlehem in the Indian language, the liturgy being translated 
into Mohican by the missionary, Jacob Schmick. Several parts 
of the scriptures and many hymns were also translated into the 
Delaware language for the use of the church and schools. The 
children frequently came together and sang praises in German, 
Mohican and Delaware hymns. 

In 1763 the frontiers were again overrun by the scalping 
parties of the western Indians during Pontiac's war. Some of 
these parties occasionally skulked about the Moravian towns, and 
this circumstance, together with the simultaneous massacre of 
the Stinton family and several other Irish settlements, revived 
the old jealousies between the Irish settlers of the Kittitinny 
Valley and the Moravian brethren. The events of that day 
which occurred in the neighborhood of Bethlehem, have an in- 
timate relation to the causes of the massacre of the Conestoga 
Indians at Lancaster by the Paxton men. 

The Irish declared that if any Indians dared to show them- 
selves in the woods they would be shot dead immediately; and 
that if only one more white man be murdered in this neighbor- 
hood, the whole Irish settlement would rise in arms and kill all 
the inhabitants of Wequetank without waiting for an order from 
the government, or an order from a justice of the peace. The 
Indians at Wequetank were obliged to quit the place and take 
refuge at Xazareth. The same threatening messages were sent 


to Nain. The day after the murder of the Stinton family, Octo- 
ber 9th, about fifty white men assembled on the opposite side of 
the Lehigh, with a view to surprise Nain in the night and murder 
all the inhabitants. But a neighboring friend represented the 
danger and difficulty of such an attempt in strong terms, the 
enemy forsook their intentions, and returned home. The 
Brethren praised God for this very merciful preservation. Still, 
the congregation at Nain was blockaded on all sides. The mur- 
ders of the New England people at Wyoming increased the fury 
of the white people. The inhabitants of Nain ventured no longer 
to go to Bethlehem on business. No Indian ventured to fetch 
wood or to look after his cattle w^ithout a white brother to accom- 
pany him or a passport in his pocket. November 8th the Mo- 
ravian Indians were ordered to Philadelphia for protection. 
Wequetank was burned by the white people, and in the night of 
November i8th, some incendiaries endeavored to set fire to 
Bethlehem. The oil mill was consumed and the fury of the 
flames w^as such that the adjoining water works were with diffi- 
culty saved. Peace was concluded with the hostile Indians in 
1764, when the Moravian Indians returned in safety to Bethle- 
hem, Nain and Wyalusing. 

After the slaughter of the white people at Gnadenhutten, two 
or three bodies of the slain were brought to Philadelphia in a 
wagon, and after being hauled about the city, were placed at the 
door of the State House by the Dutch, who thus determined to 
arouse public sentiment in regard to the dangers those on the 
frontier were experiencing. Crowds of people followed the 
bodies, shouting curses at the Indians and at the Quakers, "curs- 
ing their principles and bidding the committee of assembly be- 
hold the fruits of their obstinacy, and confess that their pre- 
tended sanctity would not save the province without the use of 
means, at the same time threatening that if they should come 
down on a like errand again and find nothing done for their pro- 
tection, the consequence should be fatal." 

Nathaniel Grubb, member of the assembly, and a prominent 
character among them, was sent into the interior to learn the truth 
respecting the ravages complained of ; he is reported to have said 
that those killed by the Indians were only some Scotch-Irish who 


could welll enough be spared; and such it was further reported 
was the common language of many of that sect. 

The appointment of the commission was to appease the wrath 
of the Dutch mob. 

This reference shows the spirit which the various nationali- 
ties held toward each other. The peaceable Quakers, well pro- 
tected in the towns, giving themselves to merchandise ; the Dutch 
cultivating the farms on the borders of the forests, and subject 
to the perils from wild beasts and wild men, and needing protec- 
tion by those who had the making and the execution of the laws ; 
and the Irish, who were as a law unto themselves, going into the 
forests and welcoming the opportunity to drop a red men as they 
would drop a wolf, asking no favors and granting none; the 
Indians learning the habits and characteristics of each and diplo- 
matically trying to meet each on his own ground. 

The feeling on the frontier against the Indians because of 
the destruction their marauding bands had perpetrated found its 
counterpart when the white men threw all discrimination aside 
and looked upon every red man as the mortal enemy of the white 
race. The Scoth-Irish settlers in Paxton and Donegal town- 
ships, Lancaster county, known as the Paxton Boys, refused to 
believe the assertions that some of the Indians were loyal to the 
white men and suspected them all to be in league with the hostile 
tribes of the West. They, therefore, determined to massacre 
every Indian within their reach. There was living by special 
right on Conestoga manor, Lancaster county, the few survivors 
of the ancient tribe of the Susquehannocks. They had nothing 
to do with the troubles on the frontier, and were living in the 
most peaceful relations with the white people. The men had 
gone from their homes for the day, when the Paxton Boys rushed 
upon the little settlement and most inhumanly massacred all of 
the women and children of the tribe. When the men of the 
tribe were apprised of the fate of their families they went to 
Lancaster and sought safety in the only fortified building there, 
the jail. The magistrates were willing to do all in their power 
to protect them, knowing that they were innocent of any wrong 
doing. The morning of the Sabbath dawned. In those days 
Sabbath observance was considered a virtue by all the people, par- 
ticularly those on the frontier. In Lancaster the people, accord- 


ing to custom, had assembled in their places for worship and had 
dismissed all thoughts of danger to the Indians from their minds. 
But the Paxton Boys had concealed themselves near the town 
until the services had begun, then they rode into the town on a 
gallop, seized and bound the keeper of the work-house, and 
opened the prison and cruelly slaughtered the fourteen Indians 
there. Then they galloped from the to\vn with the same haste 
they had come. 

The alarm was given and the people assembled to save the 
Indians, but they were too late. The Indians were dead, and 
the murderers were beyond the reach of pursuers. Threats were 
made that all the Moravian Indians would be served the same 
way. To save these from destruction they were hurriedly sent 
to Philadelphia, where they were placed in the heart of the city 
in the Old Court House and the Friends' Meeting House, and 
these were surrounded by a British regiment of foot soldiers 
and their position defended by artillery. The Indians were then 
taken to Province Island in the Delaware for better security. 
The Quakers were greatly excited, and determined to fully pro- 
tect the Christian Indians. Business was suspended, the schools 
were dismissed and the children sent home. The citizens 
girded on their \veapons of war, and prepared to meet the inva- 
sion of the Paxton Boys. Wild rumor spread reports of the 
numbers and strength of the aroused men of Lancaster county, 
and no one knew what the end might be. But in the trial of cour- 
age the Quakers never faltered. It was wrong to fight, but they 
were not going to permit the killing of innocent Indians. When 
the Paxton Boys had advanced as far as Germantown, a deputa- 
tion headed by Franklin met them and argued the matter with 
them, and finally persuaded them to give up their designs and 
return to their homes. Only when the invaders had disbanded 
did business resume its normal condition and peace once more 
possess the hearts of the Quakers and their companions w^ho be- 
lieved in the Christian character of the Moravian Indians. 

The story of the trials and sufferings of the Indians who 
became Christians under the teachings of the Moravians is ex- 
ceedingly pathetic, and a record of the shame and cruelty of the 
whites that will ever disgrace them on the pages of history. It 
is written by those who knew about it, and whose veracity is un- 


questionable. Sherman Day, in " Historical Collections of 
Pennsylvania/' says : 

'' Before the men of Connecticut had asserted their 
claim to the fair fields of Bradford county, the Holy Pio- 
neers of the Moravian Mission had penetrated the wilder- 
ness along the Susquehanna and made settlements at various 
points. As early as 1750, Bishop Cammerhof and Rev. 
David Zeisberger, guided by an Indian of the Cayuga tribe, 
passed up the Susquehanna on a visit to Onondaga. To each 
night's encampment they gave a name, the first letter of which 
was cut into a tree by an Indian. They tarried at Tioga, which 
is described as a considerable Indian town. The same year, it 
is said, there was a great awakening which extended over the 
whole Indian country, especially on the Susquehanna. There 
appears to have been an Indian village in 1759 at Machwihilus- 
ing, where one Papenhunk, an Indian moralist, had been zeal- 
ously propagating his doctrines ; with little success, however, for ■ 
his hearers were addicted to the most alx)minable vices, and he 
himself was but little better. On a visit to the missionary sta- 
tion, Nain, on the Lehigh, he heard for the first time the great 
doctrine of the Cross, and such an impression did it make upon 
him that the following year he took down his wife and thirty- 
three of his followers to hear this new doctrine, at the same time 
endeavoring without success to persuade the Christian Indians 
of Nain to remove to the Susquehanna. 

"In May, 1763, Zeisberger, with the Indian brother Anthony, 
came to Wyalusing, having heard of a remarkable awakening 
there, and that the Indians desired some one who could point 
them to the true way of obtaining rest and peace in their con- 
sciences. Papenhunk had lost his credit by the inefficiency of his 
doctrines. Zeisberger was met, before he arrived, by Joe Gil- 
loway, an inhabitant of Wyalusing, who spoke English well, and 
told him that their council had met six days successively to con- 
sider how they might procure a teacher of the truth. Zeisberger 
was invited to become a resident missionary among them, which, 
after a visit to Bethlehem, he consented to do. It appears that 
about this time some well meaning people of a different persua- 
sion arrived at Wyalusing, but the Indians having already given 
a preference to the Moravians would listen to no other sect. The 


first fruit of Zeisberger's pious efforts in his new congregation 
was Papenhunk himself, who confessed his sins and desired to 
be baptized. He received the Christian name of John, and an- 
other Indian, who had been Papenhunk's opponent, w^as baptized 
after him and called Peter. 

" In the midst of these encouraging prospects consternation 
spread through the frontier settlements on receipt of the news 
of the Indian war of 1763, which had just broken out along the 
lakes and the Ohio. Occasional parties of Indians from the 
West skulked into the Moravian Indian settlements to persuade 
them to withdraw that they might make a descent upon the 
whites. This became known to the Irish settlements in the Kit- 
titinny valley, whose jealousy was aroused that the Moravian 
Indians were in collusion with their hostile brethren, and the 
missionary settlements were thus placed between two fires. This 
animosity of the Irish at length wreaked itself upon the poor In- 
dians on the Conestoga; and the other Christian Indians were 
taken by the missionaries to Philadelphia for protection. Peace 
at length arrived at the close of 1764, and in 1765 the whole body 
of Indian brethren returned to the deserted huts at Wyalusing. 
Devoting themselves anew to Him who had given them rest for 
the soles of their feet, they began their labors with renewed cour- 
age, and pitching upon a convenient spot on the banks of the 
Susquehanna, a few miles below Wyalusing, they built a regular 
settlement which they called Frieden-shuetten (tents of peace). 
It consisted of thirteen Indian huts, and upwards of forty frame 
houses, shingled and provided with chimneys and windows. A 
convenient house was erected for the missionaries, and in the 
middle of the broad street stood the chapel neatly built and cov- 
ered with shingles. Gardens surrounded the village, and near 
the river about two hundred and fifty acres were divided into 
regular plantations of Indian corn. Each family had their own 
boat. The burying ground was at some distance in the rear. 
During the progress of building the town the aged, infirm and 
children lodged in the old cottages found on the sjx^t : the rest in 
bark huts. In fine weather they lifted up their voices in prayer 
and praise under the open firmament. It was a pleasure to ob- 
serve them like a swarm of bees at their work: some were build- 
ing, some clearing land, some hunting and fishing to provide 


for the others, and some cared for housekeeping. The town 
being completed, the usual regulations and statutes of the Morav- 
ian stations were adopted; order and peace prevailed, and the 
good work went gloriously on. As one of the great confed- 
eracy of the Six Nations, the Cayugas kept the door of the Long 
House, which opened upon the valley of the Susquehanna, and it 
became necessary for the missionaries to seek their permission 
to reside within their jurisdiction. With all the solemnity of 
Indian diplomacy the Christian Indians gave notice to the chief 
of the Cayugas that they had settled on the Susquehanna, where 
they intended to live and be at peace with their families if their 
Uncle approved of it; and they likewise desired leave for their 
teachers to live with them. The chief, after consultation with 
the great council of Onondaga, replied, in a friendly manner, that 
the place they had chosen was not proper, all that country having 
been stained with blood; therefore he would take them up and 
place them in a better situation near the upper end of Cayuga 
lake. They might take their teachers with them and be un- 
molested in their worship. This proposal did not exactly suit the 
Indians of Friedenshutten and they evaded an acquiescence, giv- 
ing the chief hopes that they would reply when the Indian corn 
was ripe. This was in the summer of 1765. After waiting 
until the spring of 1766, the Cayuga chief sent a message to 
Friedenshutten that he did not know what sort of Indian corn 
they might plant, for they had promised him an answer when it 
was ripe ; that his corn had been gathered long ago, and was 
almost consumed, and he soon intended to plant again. The 
chief, ultimately, and the council, gave them a larger tract of 
land than they had desired, extending beyond Tioga, to make 
use of as their own, with a promise that the heathen Indians 
should not come and dwell upon it. This grant, however, was 
forgotten at the Treaty of 1768, when the whole country on the 
Susquehanna was sold to Pennsylvania." 

The peace of the settlement was often disturbed by the intro- 
duction of rum, that universal accompaniment of civilization, in- 
troduced by straggling Indians. They ordered, at length, that 
every rum bottle should be locked up during the stay of its 
owner, and delivered to him on his departure. The white traders 
from the Irish settlement at Paxton found the settlement a most 


convenient depot, and endeavored to make it a place of common 
resort in 1766. They stayed several weeks in the place and oc- 
casioned much levity and dissipation among the young people. 
The Indians at length ordered them oflf, desiring that the Tents 
of Peace should not be made a place of traffic. The hospitality 
of the Brethren often exhausted their little stock of provisions, 
and their only resource for a new supply w^as in hunting, or seek- 
ing aid from the older settlements. Their numbers had in- 
creased so much in 1767 that a more spacious church was erected. 
The locusts, which swarmed by millions, did great damage to 
their crops. The smallpox broke out among them in 1767, and 
the patients were prudently removed to temporary cabins on the 
opposite side of the river. The station at Friedenshutten con- 
tinued to prosper until the year 1772. During this period the 
persevering Zeisberger had several times threaded the wilder- 
ness to the waters of the Allegheny and the Ohio, and planted 
new churches among the Delawares dwelling there. 

About a mile from Sheshcquin, the savages used at stated 
times "to keep their feasts of sacrifice. (This was thirty miles 
above Friedenshutten). On these occasions they roved about in 
the neighborhood like so many evil spirits, making the air re- 
sound with their hideous noises and bellowings, but they never 
approached near enough to molest the Brethren. Brother Rothe 
had the pleasure to see many proofs of the power of the word 
of God, and it appeared for some time as if all the people about 
Sheshequin would turn to the Lord. Some time after an enmity 
began to show itself; some said openly, "We cannot live according 
to the precepts of the Brethren ; if God had intended us to live like 
them, we should have certainly have been born amongst them.'' 
Nevertheless, James Davis, a chief, and several others were bap- 
tized. The missionaries lost no opportunity of conciliating the 
chiefs of the Iroquois, and often invited them to dine as they 
passed through the settlement. These little attentions made a fav- 
orable impression and enabled the missionaries, in familiar conver- 
sation, to remove misapprehensions and allay unfounded impres- 
sions which had been entertained by the chiefs against them. 
These chiefs noticed everything that passed in the village, and 
looked with no little suspicion upon the surveying instruments 
used at the settlement, regarding them as some mysterious con- 


trivance to obtain the land from the Indians. The paintings in the 
church of the crucifixion and the scene at the Mount of Olives 
attracted their admiration, and enabled the Brethren to explain 
to them the history of our Lord, which produced in some a 
salutary thought fulness. In 1771 there was an immense flood 
in the Susquehanna, and all the inhabitants at Sheshequin were 
obliged to save themselves in boats and retire to the woods, where 
they were detained four days. 

The Six Nations having by the treaty of 1768 sold their 
land from under their feet, the Brethren were compelled to seek 
a new grant from the Governor of Pennsylvania, who kindly 
ordered that they should not be disturbed, and that he had 
ordered the surveyors not to take up any land within five miles 
of Friedenshutten. 

The Brethren had received many pressing invitations from 
the Delawares on the Ohio to leave the Susquehanna and the 
dangerous vicinity of the whites and settle among them. These 
invitations were declined until 1772, when the Brethren became 
convinced that the congregations could not maintain themselves 
long in these parts. The Iroquois had sold 'their lands and 
various and troublesome demands upon them were continually 
renewed; the contest between the Connecticut men and the In- 
dians and the Pennamites at Wyoming had commenced, white 
settlers daily increased, and rum was introduced to seduce the 
young people. They therefore finally resolved to remove to the 

Their exodus was remarkable. To transport two hundred 
and forty individuals of all ages, with cattle and horses, from 
the North Branch across the Allegheny Mountains, by way of 
Bald Eagle to the Ohio, would be, even in these days of locomo- 
tive facilities, a most arduous undertaking. What must it have 
been through that howling wilderness ? Fortunately most of the 
company were natives of the forest. The scene is given in the 
langTiage of Loskiel, the annalist of the mission : 

"June 6th, 1772. The congregation partook of the holy 
communion for the last time in Friedenshuetten. * * * * 
Tune nth. All being ready for the journey, the congregation 
met for the last time in F., when the missionary reminded 
them of the great favors and blessings received from God in this 


place, and then offered up praises and thanksgivings to Him, 
with fervent supplications for his peace and protection on the 
journey. The company consisted of two hundred and forty-one 
persons from Sheshequin and Friedenshuetten, and proceeded 
with great cheerfulness in reliance upon the Lord. 

" Brother Ettwein conducted those who went by land, and 
Brother Rothe those by water, who were the greater number. 
The journey was a practical school of patience for the mission- 
aries. The fatigue attending the emigration of a whole con- 
gregation with all their goods and cattle, in a country like North 
America, can hardly be conceived by any one who has not ex- 
perienced it, much less can it be properly described. The land 
travelers had seventy head of oxen and a still greater inimber 
of horses to care for, and sustained incredible hardships in forc- 
ing a way for themselves and their beasts through very thick 
woods and swamps of great extent, being directed only by a 
small path, and that hardly discernible in some places; so that it 
appears almost impossible to conceive how any one could work 
his way and mark a path through such close thickets and immense 
woods, one of which he computed to be about sixty miles long. 
While passing through these woods it rained almost incessantly. 
In one part of the country they were obliged to wade thirty- 
six times through the windings of the river Munsey, besides 
suffering other hardships. However, they attended to their 
daily worship as regularly as circumstances would permit, and 
had frequently strangers among them, both Indians and white 
people, who were particularly attentive to the discourses de- 
livered by Brother Ettwein, * * * * jj^ some parts they 
were molested by inquisitive and in others by drunken people." 

In his diary of the trip. Bishop Ettwein says : 

" During the 8th, 9th and loth of June, 1772, all was bustle 
in Friedenshuetten with preparations for the impending journey, 
and the pestles of the corn mortars were plied day and night. 
The texts of Scripture allotted for these days : * I will make thee 
rejected unto a great people ' ; * I will give them to drink of the 
water-courses in plain paths ' ; ' Awake ! rise and awake ! oh, 
Zion,' were words that brought us comfort as we in faith applied 
them all to ourselves. 

" Thursday, June nth. Early we met for the last time in 


the town for divine worship. I remarked on the scripture por- 
tion for the day, to wit : * They have not possessed themselves 
of the land by the sword ' — in effect, that all our temporal and 
spiritual welfare depended upon the presence within us of the 
Lord's spirit, and of His being pleased with His people. Then 
we knelt in prayer and again thanked Him for the numerous 
blessings that had been vouchsafed to us in this spot, and for the 
evidences of His love and patience. Hereupon we commended 
ourselves to His keeping and guidance on the way, asking Him 
to provide all our wants, both by land and water. At the close 
of the service the canoes were laden ; the bell was taken from its 
turret; the window sashes from out of the church, and the dis- 
mantled windows nailed shut with boards. 

" At 2 P. M. Brother and Sister Rothe, in their canoe, set 
out followed by the others, thirty in number. We had divided 
the voyageurs in six divisions, over each of which were set one 
or two leaders. Timothy, who carried the bell in his canoe, rang 
it for some time as the squadron moved down the stream never 
again to ring out its call to the house of prayer over the waters 
of the lovely Susquehanna. 

*' After all had left the town, I locked the doors of the 
chapel and the missionaries' dwelling — took leave of Joe Chillo- 
way, and commended to him oversight of the houses and im- 
provements — ^to which he consented, and at the same time made 
fair promises. He and his wife were the only two who appeared 
to regret our departure, as they shed tears. All the others mani- 
fested satisfaction. With Brother and Sister Rothe there went 
one hundred and forty souls; with me, by the overland route, 
fifty-four. Others also are to proceed by land from Sheshequin, 
so that the entire migration numbers two hundred and eleven 

" A short time before our departure the measles had been 
brought to Friedenshuetten from Sheshequin, which place had 
been infected by a white man. The epidemic soon appeared 
among the voyageurs, and a maiden of my company was taken 
down with them on the third day out. Our journey consumed 
five days, that of the voyageurs ten days, when we met at the 
mouth of Muncy creek. 

" As we crossed the river our way led us straightway to the 


mountain, and after proceeding two miles we entered the great 
swamp, where the undergrowth was so dense that oftentimes it 
was impossible to see one another at the distance of six feet. 
The path, too, was frequently invisible, and yet along it sixty 
head of cattle and fifty ho/ses and colts had to be driven. It 
needed careful watch to keep them together. We lost but one 
young cow from the entire herd. Every morning, however, it 
was necessary to send drivers back as far as ten miles to whip in 
such as would, during the night, seek to return. 

" At our first night's encampment two of our brethren lost 
themselves while in search of straying cattle, and several hours 
elapsed before we could reach them by signal guns and shouts. 
It was daily a matter of astonishment to me that any man should 
presume to traverse this swamp and follow what he called a path. 
It is at least sixty miles in diameter, but not as rocky and hilly 
as the swamp between Bethlehem and Friedenshuetten. How- 
ever, on the highland, for the distance of about eight miles, where 
the Loyalsock and the Muncy creek head, it is excessively rocky 
and almost impassable. There ivere indications of abundance 
of ores here. It might be called with propriety Ore Mountains. 
The timber is principally sugar maple, tall lindens, ash, oak and 
white pine. What told on me the most was that several days it 
rained incessantly as we penetrated the woods, so that I was wet 
from head to foot all day. The path led thirty-six times across 
Muncy creek. At intervals there were exceedingly rich bottom 
lands and the noblest timber I have seen in America, excepting 
the cypresses in South Carolina and Georgia. 

" Trinity Sunday, June 14th. We met for worship for the 
first time on the journey, as the incessant lowing and noise of the 
cattle drowned all attempts at discourse and singing. 

" Monday, June 15th. We passed from the swamp into an 
extensive and beautiful region of plains where we encamped, and 
from which point we sent several brethren to meet the voyageurs. 
Here the hunters in two days shot fifteen deer, the meat of which 
was dried at the fires for use on the journey. 

" Tuesday, June 17th. A man from the Jerseys, who on his 
return home will pass through Bethlehem, called at our camp. 
Through him I sent letters home. 

" Wednesday, June i8th. We proceeded to the West 


Branch, to Scoonhaven's plantation, one mile above Wallis's. 
Here on the 20th the canoes overtook us." 

Brother Rothe narrates as follows of his journey : 

" We advanced the first day but eight miles by reason of a 
heavy rain that fell, which necessitate.d us to put up huts, which 
in two hours time were all complete, affording us shelter. The rest 
refreshed us, and our little Johnny (Rothe) slept soundly. Dur- 
ing the 1 2th, because of the high wind, the canoes rocked roughly 
on the water. Samuel's daughter was taken ill of the measles. 
In the evening we had our first meeting, worshipping standing 
in the woods. It was so cold during the night as to keep us from 
sleep. On the 13th the wind was still contrary, causing high 
waves in the river. At noon we passed Lechawachnek. As 
we passed the Fort we saw it lined with spectators, and a man 
playing on a violin. We encamped on the stony beach of the 
river and were disturbed at night by some drunken fellows. 

" On Sunday, the 14th, after w^e had passed the falls below 
Wyomik, I held preaching. We then paddled on, and on the 
iSth reached Nescopec (the w6rd signifies a nasty deep hole). 
Here the canoes were worked over the falls, in part by hand, in 
part by means of ropes, and not without much anxiety, Here 
the Susquehanna is not wider than the mill-dam at Bethlehem; 
a mile lower dowm, however, it grows much broader. 

" 1 6th. The wind continued contrary. 

" 17th. On account of Anna Elizabeth being ill we had to 
lay over. Several brethren came from Brother Ettwein's camp 
on Muncy creek. A number of white settlers also called on us, 
several of whom attended our evening service. At its close a 
German, who had years ago frequented the Brethren's meeting 
in Oley, called on me. I took occasion to address him in refer- 
ence to his soul's welfare and he was visibly moved. Next morn- 
ing he came with his family to bid us farewell. 

" Sunday June 21st. Brother Rothe preached on the words 
of Scripture, * Hold fast that ye have,' concerning continuing 
with Christ and Him crucified. In the evening service I dis- 
coursed on the text of the day : * Where the Spirit of the Lord is 
there is liberty,' treating of the true liberty enjoyed by believers, 
and the pseudo-liberty of unbelievers, who dread Christ's yoke 
and yet are in bondage to Satan. At noon I preached at Mr. 


Samuel Wallis's to from fifty to sixty hearers, all English, some 
of whom had come from twenty miles distance. I spoke of the 
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

" Monday, June 22nd. We had a market day in camp. Mr. 
Wallis bought of us fifteen head of cattle and some canoes. Other 
persons bought fowls, firkins, buckets, tubs, chains and divers 
iron- ware. .A trader's agent had smuggled some rum into the 
purlieus of the camp. The transgression was soon discovered, 
and after threatening him to his great anxiety, we handed the con- 
traband merchandise to Mr. Wallis for safe keeping until the 
trader should return from the Great Island. Twenty cwt. of 
flour, which I had purchased with the money presented to our 
Indians by friends in Philadelphia, were here distributed. 

** June 23rd and 24th. Broke up camp and moved on. 
Passed the Loyalsack at the spot where the Sainted Disciple 
visited thirty years ago, and Lycoming creek, which marks the 
boundary line of land purchased from the Indians. At both 
places we found white settlers. Our cattle were driven to grass 
into the woods, past the site of the old Indian town. One mile 
above Lycoming stood formerly the town of Quenischaschachki, 
where our Brother Nathaniel Davis lived for six years, and where 
Grube and Mack visited. We encamped above Larry's Creek. 
Here Newhaleeka's wife visited our Brother Joseph. She stated 
that her husband was ill, otherwise both witli their family would 
have emigrated with us to the West. The old chief told Brother 
John that as soon as possible he would take the step, as he was in 
earnest to be converted. 

" June 25th. We camped opposite Long Island. Here rat- 
tlesnakes seemed to hold undisputed sway and they were killed at 
all points. Not more than a half hour after our arrival a horse 
was brought in that had been bitten in the nose. His head 
swelled up frightfully, and as it rained the remedy failed to take 
the proper effect, and the poor animal perished the next day as we 
lay in camp at the lower end of Long Island and halted there on 
the 26th. Here I assembled all the men, told them that we had 
progressed but thirty miles during the past week, and that if we 
failed to make more rapid headway our company would come 
to serious want; that it would be prudent under these circum- 
stances to leave the sick woman, her husband and their friends 


on the Island (for we expected her release was near at hand); 
that when Nathaniel Davis and his party (which had also re- 
mained in the rear on account of sickness) would come up they 
could join him, and that we would send men and fresh horses 
for them from Chinklacamoose. The next day, 27th, however, 
on arriving at Mr. CampbelTs, at the upper end of the Island 
(this must he Big Island at mouth of Bald Eagle Creek) where 
we met Mr. Anderson, they dissuaded us from attempting to 
embark a canoe, stating the water to be too shallow for naviga- 
tion. Hereupon the canoe and sundry utensils were sold, viz. : 
The four windows for our church, one box of glass, one keg of 
nails and another filled with iron we left here in trust, as it was 
impossible to transjx^rt them, and yet everyone was loath to part 
with what was his. It having rained incessantly for several 
days our effects were wet through, and Roth's had their clothes 
and bedding seriously damaged. 

** Sunday, June 28th. Yesterday I promised, at their re- 
quest, to preach to the white settlers. Accordingly a goodly 
audience assembled, English settlers from the Bald Eagle Creek 
and the south shore of the West Branch, to whf)m I proclaimed 
the counsels of God respecting their salvation. As no ordained 
minister of the Gospel was as yet settled in the neighborhood, I 
was requested to baptize, and accordingly I administered flie 
sacraments to the new born daughter of a Frenchman, Fournay 
by name, calling her Conogimda, and to the son of a Catholic, 
Antoine White, whom I named J(^hn. 

** Joshua convoked the men and persuaded them, despite 
their yesterday's deliberation to the contrary, to carry along 
Elizabeth, who was sick, and also to send lame Jonathan with a 
string of wampum ahead to Langundoutenink, Koskas Kink and 
Gckeldnckpcekink. As they consulted neither me or Rothe in 
this business, we took no further notice of it. It proved, how- 
ever, the beginning of diverse perplexities. 

•' ^Monday, June 2()th. My fifty-second birthday. We set 
out from the Islaml by land. I and a few of my brethren from 
this day on lead the caravan. Traveled fourteen miles to Beech 
Creek on the i)ath agreed upon. Beech Creek is a branch of the 
Bald Eagle. After encamping here the brethren returned with 













horses to fetch up the baggage. This they did daily, and were 
thus compelled to travel the road three times. 

" Tuesday, June 20th. Brother and Sister Roth came up 
from tjie rear with the others, excepting Elizabeth and her 
friends, she being too ill to allow of her being carried. There- 
upon I moved on nine miles to a salt lick. As I was in search of 
Roth's horse (which we had bought on Great Island) to send it 
back to his camp, I trod upon a fifteen year old rattlesnake. Such 
was my fright that for days I took every footstep with dread, 
fancying every rustling leaf to be the movement of a venomous 
reptile. The two Indian brethren with me despatched the reptile. 
Nathaniel Davis and company this day reached Campbeirs. 

" Thursday, July 2nd. Brother Roth and the others again 
came to the front. 

" Friday, July 3rd. In company with Cornelius and Wil- 
liam I advanced early in the morning. Up to this time we had 
passed only through a beautiful and fertile region of country, but 
now our way led across the mountains. On reaching a summit, 
when eight miles along, we saw the bold peaks between the West 
Branch and the Juniata, like dwarfs, and before us stood giants. 
We were compelled to encamp on a dry elevation, and to fetch 
water from the foot of the mountain. A poor little cripple, aged 
ten or eleven, our sainted Brother Jonas' son, whom his mother 
had carried alway in a basket from gne station to another, was 
very weak to-day, and expressed the wish to be washed from sin 
in baptism. Brother Roth administered the sacrament and 
named him Nathan. 

" Saturday, July 4th. Early to-day there came two In- 
dians from Kaskasky en route for Stockbridge. I invited them 
to breakfast. One of them spoke English fluently. In his child- 
hood he had been taken prisoner by the whites, but since then had 
turned a complete Indian in his mode of life. 

" We proceeded four miles into the mountains. Brother 
Roth was from this point sunmioned to Great Island by an ex- 
press. Thither Joshua had returned with twelve men to fetch 
up his sick friend ; and when he arrived there she was near her 
end, which she attained with release from all suffering just an 
hour prior to Roth's arrival. On the 6th he buried her. She 
was baptized May 6th, 1770, at Friedenshuetten by Brother 



Smick, and was married there to Brother Mark, to whom she 
bore two children — one son and a daughter born twelve days ago 
prematurely on the West Branch. It lived but a few days. On 
the evening of the 6th, Brother Roth rejoined us in camp, where 
I yesterday held a discourse on the daily words, speaking on the 
delights of meditating on the Word of God. The appended 
verses of the hymn applied to our case as we were weak both 
physically and spiritually. Oh, patience ! 

" Tuesday, July 7th. Moved on six miles to a spring where 
there was excellent pasture. A heavy thunderstorm, with rain, 
set in. 

** Wednesday, July 8th. Advanced ten miles to the West 
Mashannek, over precipitous and ugly mountains and through 
two dangerous and rocky streams. In fording the second I fell 
neck deep into the water. Had it been at any other season of the 
year we could not have endured so much wading of streams. 

" Thursday, July 9th. Advanced but two miles to a run in 
the swamp. We were almost broken down, and those who car- 
ried the baggage could with difficulty climb the mountains. 

" Friday, July loth. Lay in camp as some of our horses 
had strayed, and I had to send mine back twice to RotK at his 

"Saturday, July nth. We found Nathan released from 
all suffering. He had departed unobserved. The daily word 
was: 'Remember how miserable and forsaken I was.' How 
applicable!' His emaciated remains were interred alongside of 
the path, and I cut his name into a tree that overshaded his 
lonely grave, and then we moved on eight miles to an old beaver 
dam. My heart was often at Bethlehem, and I longed to be at 
the Lord's Supper in the chapel there. 

" Sunday, July 12th. Brother and Sister Roth came up 
and so did others. In the evening we met for worship and dis- 
coursed about prayer to, and longing for, Jesus. There was a 
collection of corn and beans taken up for the poor. 

" Monday, July 13th. Proceeded six miles to a spring in 
a beautiful, widely-expanded mountain meadow. Scarcely had 
we encamped when a frightful storm swept over us. The angry 
clouds like mountains piled themselves up in the heavens, the 
lightning like snakes of fire leaped in forked flames over the sky, 


the thunder rolled like siege artillery, and the rain came down 
with the sound of many waters, or the roaring of a mighty cata- 
ract. It was a war of the elements. The tall oaks bowed before 
the storm, and where the timber failed to do obeisance it w^as 
snapped like glass in the grasp of the roaring wind. My com- 
panions, to my surprise, heeded none of this, but cut saplings, 
collected bark, and built huts, which were completed as the storm 
passed over. 

"Tuesday, July 14th. Reached Clearfield Creek, where the 
buffaloes formerly cleared large tracts of undergrowth so as to 
give them the appearance of cleared fields. Hence the Indians 
called the creek, Clearfield Creek. Here at night and next morn- 
ing, to the great joy of the hungry, nine deer were shot. Who- 
ever shoots a deer has for his private portion the skin and the 
insides; the meat he must bring into camp and deliver to the dis- 
tributors. John and Cornelius acted in this capacity in our divi- 
sion. It proved advantageous for us not to keep so closely to- 
gether as we had at first designed; for if the number of fami- 
lies in a camp be large, one or two deer, when cut up, afford but a 
scanty meal to each individual. So it happened that scarce a 
day passed without there being a distribution of venison in the 
advance, the center and the rear camp. (On the route there 
were one hundred and fifty deer and but three bears shot.) In 
this way our Heavenly Father provided for us; and I often 
prayed for our hunters and returned thanks for their success. As 
there was a growing impatience observable among those who 
were called on to aid others with their horses to press on and not 
be detained, I here spent a sleepless and anxious night. But on 
Thursday, July i6th, after representing the state of the case to 
the malcontents, I felt reassured and journeyed on with a few 
brethren two miles in a pelting rain to the site of Chinklacamoose, 
where we found but three huts and a few patches of Indian corn. 
The name signifies * No one taries here willingly.' It may, per- 
haps, be traced to the circumstances that some thirty years ago an 
Indian resided here as a hermit upon a rock, who was wont to 
appear to the Indian hunters in frightful shapes. Some of these, 
too, he killed, others he robbed of their skins ; and this he did for 
many years. We moved on four miles, and were obliged to wade 
the West Branch three times, which is here like the Lehigh at 


Bethlehem, between the island and the mountain, rapid and full 
of ripples. 

*' Friday, July 17th. Advanced only four miles to a creek 
that comes down from the northwest. Had a narrow and stony 
spot for our camp. 

" Saturday, July i8th. Moved on without awaiting Roth 
and his division, who, on account of the rain, had remained in 
camp. To-day Shebosch lost a colt from the bite of a rattlesnake. 
Here we left the West Branch three miles to the northwest up 
the creek, crossing it five times. Here, too, the path went pre- 
cipitously up the mountain, and four or five miles up and up— to 
the summit — to a spring, the head waters of the Ohio. Here I 
lifted my heart in prayer, as I looked westward, that the Sun of 
Grace might rise over the heathen nations that dwell beyond the 
distant horizon. 

" Sunday, July 19th. As yesterday but two families kept 
with me because of the rain, we had a quiet Sunday but enough 
to do drying our effects. In the evening all joined me, but we 
could hold no service, as the ponkis were so excessively annoying 
that the cattle pressed toward and into our camp to escape their 
persecutors in the smoke of the fires. This vermin is a plague to 
man and beast, both by day and night. But in the swamp 
through which we are now passing their name is legion. Hence 
the Indians call the swamp * Ponksutenink,' i. e., * the town of the 
ponkis.' The w^ord is equivalent to living dust and ashes. The 
brethren here related an Indian myth, to wit: That the afore- 
cited Indian hermit and sorcerer, after having been for many 
years a terror to all Indians, had been killed by one who had 
burned his bones ; but the ashes he blew into the swamp, and they 
became living things, and hence the ponkis." 

The summing up of their trip is as follows : 

** None received injury to his person, although dangers were 
without number, especially along the West Branch, where there 
are rattlesnakes in abundance. I trod on one. Another bit an 
Indian's stocking while hunting, and so tenaciously that he could 
hardly rid himself of the reptile. Twice was one discovered in 
our camp basking between the fires after all had Iain down to 
sleep. And yet no one was injured. Once the horse that was 
ahead of me trod upon the head of a large one, so that it rattled 


but once more. I know that upwards of fifty were killed. Many 
laid stretched across the path, and it is a matter of wonder to this 
moment that none of so large a herd of cattle should have been 
bitten. The fact that the horned cattle brought up the rear of 
the companies was in their favor. Among the rocks and tim- 
bers we fell countless times. Sister Roth fell from her horse 
four times — once with her child into a bog, and once into the 
bushes backward from her horse with her child, and once she 
hung on the stirrups. My horse once took a leap down an em- 
bankment on the bank of a creek, throwing me over his head onto 
my back." 

On the 20th of July, the travelers left the mountains and 
reached the banks of the Allegheny river, then called the Ohio. 
Here they stopped to build canoes, in which they sent the aged and 
infirm and the heavy baggage down the river. Two days after- 
wards the Missionary Heckewelder reached them with a convoy 
of horses on his way from Friedenstadt to assist them. They all 
arrived at Friedenstadt on the 5th of August, where they received 
an affectionate welcome from the entire congregation. 



IN A STUDY of the sociology of the Indians, the account writ- 
ten by Heckewelder for presentation to the President of the 

United States, in 1822, giving the history of the Moravian 
Indians, there is the clearest and most satisfactory account from 
a thoroughly reliable authority, and taken in connection with the 
various attempts to civilize the Indians, one that reveals the fatal 
defect to be, not the savagery of the red man, but the depravity of 
the aggressive white man. 

Heckewelder says : ** The first Christian Indian settlement 
in Pennsylvania, under the care of the United Brethren, was made 
in 1742 by emigrants, both Mohicans and Wampanos, from New 
England and the then province of New York, who settled on Ma- 
honey Creek, about twenty-seven miles to the northwest of Beth- 
lehem, on lands which the Brethren had bought for the pur- 
pose. But as the spot on which they first settled did not suit 
them, the soil being of a stiff, clayey nature, the Brethren, who 
had begun to build houses on the northeast side of the river 
Lehigh, where the land was sandy, exchanged with them, so that 
the Indians had the lands that were easier to work, while the 
Brethren, being provided with ploughs, took those that were not 
so readily cultivated. These two settlements were but half a 
mile apart, yet separated by the river and a ridge on its southwest 
side. The Indians called their village Gnadenhutten, and their 
ministers and schoolmasters lived with them. At the other place, 
which retained its original Indian name Mahoney (which signifies 
a deer-lick), the Brethren built mills, cultivated the land, and es- 
tablished the more needful industries, not only for their own 
profits, but also to teach the Indians the arts of husbandry, and to 
instruct such of their young jDCople as might desire it, in various 
useful branches of industry. * * * * jj^ November, 1755, 
the white settlements having been destroyed by the French Indians 


the whole Indian congregation at Gnadenhiitten fled to Beth- 
lehem for protection, being sensible that they were in peril of 
their lives, not only at the hands of the Indians who were in 
league w^ith the French, but also of enraged white people. They 
were well received by the white Brethren and directed to build 
themselves temporary dwellings on the opposite side of the 
Menakes creek, near the mills, dye-houses, and tan yards, where 
I had the pleasure of seeing them for the first time. These In- 
dians were then recognized by all sensible and impartial men, 
who had been led by curiosity to come to Bethlehem for the pur- 
pose of seeing them, as an orderly, civil and industrious people; 
better deserving the name of Christians than many of the whites. 
They had already in a great measure become husbandmen, since 
those who had strength and ability devoted their time to manual 
labor at home, and when they had no work there they joined the 
Brethren in their labors in the field or barn, while their aged men 
made \vooden bowls and ladles, and barn and grain shovels, &c., 
for all which they found a ready market by millers, and their 
women made brooms and sieves, as the store-keepers took all 
that were not wanted by the country people in exchange for wear- 
ing apparel or any other article they needed, sending these manu- 
factured articles in wagons to Brunswick and New York, where 
they found a ready sale. While this division of the Christian 
Indians, who were all of the Mohican tribe, resided at Bethle- 
hem, it was a pleasing sight to behold this congregation occa- 
sionally, and especially on Sabbath days, attending divine service 
in the chapel together with the white congregation. The same 
was the case with the other division, consisting of Delawares and 
Monseys, who had been stationed at Gnadenthal, near Nazareth, 
at \vhich latter place divine service was performed on the same 

" The Indians settled at Bethlehem being very desirous of 
living on a tract of land by themselves, where they could have the 
advantage of keeping a small stock of cattle, the Brethren wil- 
lingly granted them permission to move to a convenient spot on 
their land a little more than a mile from Bethlehem, which place 
was afterwards called Xain. The village formed a large square, 
with buildings on three sides, the south side being left open for the 
convenience of fetching water from the fine spring run which 


flowed by. The place was kept neat and clean. There was a 
well in the middle of the square. The houses, built of squared 
timbers and roofed with shingles, had fine gardens enclosed with 
good paling fences in the rear. Their fields were kept in the 
best condition. Besides their public buildings, the school and 
meeting house, they erected a convenient dwelling for poor 
widows whom they supported. 

" For the division of Christian Indians who settled at 
Gnadenthal during the war, the Brethren bought a partly culti- 
vated tract of land called Wequetank, on the north side of the 
Blue Mountains, about twenty-five miles from Bethlehem, where 
they built themselves a village and were supplied with a minis- 
ter and a school-master. These Indians, although not so far ad- 
vanced in husbandry as the former, who had been the first con- 
verts, were not inferior to them as to their moral character. 

" Scarcely had the Christian Indians lived peacefully and hap- 
pily for five years at these two places when another Indian war 
broke out, which occasioned the abandonment of both settle- 
ments. The same persecuting spirit which seized the minds of 
a certain class of people in Dauphin county, who in their frenzy 
murdered the Conestoga Indians, incited a like class in North- 
ampton county to commit similar acts on the Christian Indians 
near them, which caused the evacuation of their villages and their 
speedy removal to Philadelphia for protection under the govern- 
ment. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ During the whole of their stay in this part 
of the country, a period of twenty years, not a single complaint 
was brought against any one of them for any crime that would 
come under the cognizance of a magistrate and been punishable 
by law. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ On their return to Nain, after a deten- 
tion of seventeen months at Philadelphia on account of the war, 
they found their possessions in good condition, as the Brethren 
had immediately on their departure placed a family there to care 
for their effects. * * * * As they were compelled by their 
Indian masters to remove to the Indian country, they sold most 
of their possessions to the Brethren. All their plow irons, farm- 
ing utensils and tools they took with them. 

** Scarcely had these Indians, together with those who had 
lived at Wequetank, arrived at Wyalusing, on the Susquehanna, 
when their plows were again turning up the rich ground they 


found there. They were able to make their own plows, har- 
rows, &c., and to do any ordinary carpenter's or cooper's work 
with despatch. A village was speedily built, and by the time they 
were compelled to leave the place, in 1772, just eight years after 
their arrival there, their settlements and improvements afforded 
a beautiful prospect to the eye, indicating that its inhabitants 
must be an orderly and industrious people. They were very un- 
willing to go from this place but the Six Nations had sold that 
whole country, including the lands they occupied, to the English. 

" They were invited by the great Delaware Council on the 
Muskingum to remove to their country, where permanent resi- 
dence would be assured them 

" Previous to this invitation their grievances had been laid 
before the Governor of Pennsylvania, with a prayer that he would 
see justice done them, and secure them in the possession of their 
lands which the Six Nations had sold, to which petition the 
Governor had returned a favorable answer. The expectations 
that were based on the Governor's reply were, however, not 
realized. He had assured them that as a quiet and peaceable peo- 
ple they should not be disturbed in their possessions, and that he 
had ordered the surveyors not to survey any land within five 
miles of Friedenshuetten (Wyalusing), and that they therefore 
should consider all reports of taking away their land to be with- 
out foundation. Notwithstanding this promise, they saw to their 
mortification that the surveyors were running lines, not only 
within the limits named by the Governor, but even across their 
fields in sight of their village. They accordingly saw no other 
alternative than to comply with the offer made tliem by the great 
Council of the West, and move away from this favorite spot. 

** It was not to be wondered at that these Indians had be- 
come attached to their abode, where buildings, fields, gardens, 
fruit trees, &c., were in such fine order as to be a delight to the 
eye. The very streets were kept clean. The situation of the 
ground being level and the soil a mixture of sand and clay, they 
were regularly swept by the women with wooden brooms on Sat- 
urdays, in summer, when the ground was dry, and the rubbish 
carefully removed. The cleanliness of the place was also promot- 
ed by a post and rail fence completely surrounding the village so as 
to keep out the cattle. As idleness leads to poverty, beggarliness 


and immorality, so on the other hand does the ownership of 
property acquired by industry foster an attachment to the same 
from which flow care, cleanHness, order, economy and all the 
traits which characterize a civilized people. The Christian In- 
dians had already exhibited these traits when they were settled in 
Northampton county. Morality had become habitual to them, 
and the better their opportunities to put into action the mental 
endowments which had previously lain dormant within them, the 
greater were the advances they made therein. 

" On their arrival at the Muskingum, in the year 1772, they 
were abundantly satisfied that what had been promised by the 
Great Council of the nation would be fulfilled. The limits of the 
land were particularly described. Strings and belts of wampum 
were given in token and as lasting vouchers of the g^ant, and the 
Wyandotts declared themselves witnesses to the act and deed. 
Two fine villages were soon built, which were called Schonbrunn 
and Gnadenhutten, the former being occupied by the Delawares 
and the latter by the Mohicans ; and in the course of time a third 
town named Salem was built on the same grant. Gnadenhutten 
and Salem occupied the very spots from which the Great Coun- 
cil had removed the then settlers to make room for the Chris- 
tian Indians. 

'* These Christian Indians w^ere in a flourishing condition at 
the beginning of the American Revolution. They were prin- 
cipally husbandmen. Hunting was with them no longer a pri- 
mary object, for the great quantity of grain they raised and the 
large stock of cattle they held, every family having more or less 
milch cows, together with hogs in great number feeding in the 
woods and plenty of poultry at home, afforded them an abundant 
supply of provisions. But for the purpose of purchasing from the 
traders articles of clothing, kettles, pewter ware, salt, tea, choco- 
late, &c., they were obliged to hunt occasionally at the proper 
season. ♦ * * * ]sTq courts of judicature were established 
among them, nor were any magistrates appointed, for there was 
no necessity for tliese in a community in which no disorderly per- 
son was permitted to dwell. Neither could a magistrate, if one 
had been stationed among them, have lived by the fees of his 
office, as no crimes were* committed that would have come under 
his cognizance." 


On the 8th day of March, 1782, a band of men collected on 
the frontier of Pennsylvania and under the command of Colonel 
David Williamson proceeded to Gnadenhutten, and there scalped 
and killed the entire number, except two who escaped. 

In his diary, Zeisberger says of it: ** The militia, some 
two hundred in number, as we hear, came first to Gnadenhutten. 
A mile from town they met young Shebosh in the bush, whom 
they killed and scalped, and near by the houses two friendly In- 
dians not belonging to us but who had gone there with our peo- 
ple from Sandusky, among whom there were several other 
friends, who perished likewise. Our Indians were mostly on the 
plantations and saw the militia come, but no one thought of flee- 
ing for they suspected no ill. The militia came to them and 
bade them come into the town, telling them that no harm should 
befall them. They trusted and went, but w^ere all bound, the 
men being put into one house, the women into another. The 
Mohican Abraham, who for some time had been bad in heart, 
when he saw that his end was near, made an open confession be- 
fore his brethren and said, ' Yoil know I am a bad man ; that I have 
much troubled the Savior and the Brethren, and have not be- 
haved as becomes a believer, yet to Him I belong, bad as I am. 
He will forgive us all and not reject me ; to the end I shall hold 
fast to Him and not leave Him.' Then they began to sing 
hymns and spoke words of encouragement and consolation one 
to another, until they were all slain. Abraham was the first to 
be led out, but the others were killed in the house. Ninety-six 
persons were scalped, then cut to pieces ; of these, besides women, 
thirty-four were children. Those at Schonbrunn escaped, but 
were compelled to leave their homes and seek refuge on the 
Thames river, beyond the settlements of the whites. 

" Afterwards Congress set apart lands for them on the 
Muskingum and thither they came and called their home Goshen." 

Returning to Heckewelder's account wc read : ** Soon after 
these Indians had settled at Goshen the Sandusky traders came 
on to traffic with them for their peltry, always bringing liquor 
with them, for the purpose of making better bargains, or, in 
other words, cheating them. They would sometimes even bring 
a Sandusky Indian with them to entice their victim to drink. 
While these traders came from the West, others of the lowest 


class brought strong drink from the Ohio settlements to help them 
make good bargains. 

" The missionaries, dreading the consequences of such pro- 
ceedings, applied to me, as the Agent of the Society, to join with 
them in a petition to the legislature of the State, praying for the 
passage of a law that should prohibit the bringing of any liquor 
into the Schonbrunn tract, and in the winter of 1799- 1800 the 
Assembly did pass such a law, whose provisions moreover applied 
not only to Schonbrunn, but to the other tracts included in the 
grant, and authorizing the missionaries and the agent to seize any 
and all liquor that should be brought into their domain, and do 
with it as they should think proper. The missionaries hoped that 
the passage of this law would have the desired effect, but they 
were disappointed. Its enforcement in one instance did indeed, 
for a short time, serve as a check to the unscrupulous traders. 
One of these from Sandusky, in defiance of the Act, of whose pas- 
sage he was well aware, and of the warning of the missionaries, 
came to the village of Goshen with a supply of liquor which he 
offered to the Indians for sale or in exchange for peltry. The mis- 
sionary Zeisberger, although then in his eightieth year, in his zeal 
for the cause in which he was engaged, took up an axe, stove the 
kegs and poured the contents into the river. But an outer}'' was 
raised against the act as being an infringement on the rights and 
liberties of a free and independent people, which actually led to 
its speedy repeal. Some parties did not even wait for its repeal, 
but introduced and sold liquor within the limits of the tract, and 
violated the law so grossly that the missionaries were powerless 
to prevent intoxication with its attendant evils, and occasional 
brawls, even on the Sabbath. This state of things in the spring 
of 1802 must be regarded as the original occasion of the decline 
of the Goshen Indians in morality. They could not, when at- 
tending to their daily pursuits, avoid seeing and hearing what 
was injurious to them, and moreover the actual temptations and 
snares laid by immoral whites to drag them down to their own 
level of degradation were so numerous that it was impossible for 
their missionaries to guard against them all." 

These Indians at Goshen were all of a new stock gathered 
since the Revolution and not those who had come from the Sus- 
quehanna. Those earlier ones were too firm in their faith to be 


corrupted by even the unscrupulous traders. They were the ones 
who died, singing, at the hands of the merciless white man. 

Too often the Indians were compelled by those who employed 
them to receive their wages in liquor or useless trash. 

The perfidy and cruelty of the white men in dealing with the 
Christian Indians is as horrible and inexcusable as any of the dark 
and bloody deeds of the most savage of the Indians. 

An old book published at Carlisle, in 1808, entitled "Loudon's 
Indian Narratives," gives an account of a tragic affair that shows 
the awful cruelty of the whites toward the Indians simply as In- 

In September, 1 763, a volunteer company of about one hundred 
men from Lancaster and Cumberland counties were sent by the 
settlers into the Indian country to chastise the savages for the 
numerous murders and depredations committed by them. The 
expedition was sent without any direct authority from the officers 
of government. At that time there existed a great deal of dis- 
satisfaction with the protection given certain Indians by the Mora- 
vians and the Quakers, and expediti6ns like this were the means 
by which the lawless vented their rage on the Indians. 

The account says : "In September, 1763, about one hundred 
of us went up to take the Indian town at the Great Island, and 
went up to Fort Augusta, where we sent a man forward to see 
whether Andrew Monture was there, but he was not; he asked 
where he was, and was told he had gone to his plantation. We 
had apprehended that Monture knew of our coming and had gone 
to inform the Indians at the town called Great Island, or Monsey 
town, and when we got to the Fort the officers that lay there 
wanted to persuade us not to go over, as the Monsey Indians were 
friendly to the white people. But as this was contradicted by 
some, we concluded to go. When we had crossed the river we 
saw Monture coming down in a canoe with a hog and some corn, 
which he had brought from his plantation. When he came near 
we called to him, upon which he landed and inquired our business, 
which we told him, aind asked his advice whether it was proper 
to proceed or not. He said they were bad Indians and we might 
use them as we pleased. We went that night to Monture's plan- 
tation, and next morning crossed the Monsey hills and discovered 
fires where the Indians had lain the night before. Here we con- 


suited whether to proceed or not; at length William Patterson 
turned back and we followed him. When we arrived at the top 
of the Mousey hill, we met with a party of Indians, which we en- 
gaged ; had two men killed and four wounded, two of which died 
that night. We then went and secreted the dead bodies in a small 
stream to prevent their being discovered by the enemy. By that 
time it was night, and we went on about twenty perches, where 
the Indians fired on us from beyond the point of a hill. About 
twelve of us ran up the hill when we heard them running, but 
could not see them. We then came back to where they had fired 
on us at first and found that the rest of our party had gone. We 
heard somebody coming after, stopped to see who it was. George 
Allen and two or three more of our men came up to us. We chose 
Allen to pilot us into the path, which he undertook to do ; but after 
traveling along the side of Mousey hill with much difficulty until 
midnight, I told him we were going the wrong road ; he told me 
if I knew the road better to go before. We then directed our 
course southward until near daybreak, w^ien we came to a path, 
which Allen informed us led to the Great Island and crossed the 
North Branch to Iskepeck falls; in this path we traveled until 
daylight, when we saw smoke, and proceeding ten or twelve 
perches, saw some Indians sitting around a fire. I then turned 
to the right into the woods and some of our men followed me and 
some w^ent on in the path till the Indians saw them, and seized 
their guns; we then raised our guns to fire, but the Indians cried, 
'don't shoot ! brothers, don't shoot !' We answered, Sve will not 
if you do not ;' we then went up to them and asked where they 
had been ; they said they had been at the Moravian town buying 
goods ; we told them we had an engagement the evening before 
with some of their people; they said it was impossible, as there 
were no Indians at the Great Island but a few old men and boys, 
the rest having all gone out a hunting; I told them I knew better; 
that they were gone to Tuscorora and Sliearman's Valley to kill 
the white people; tliat we had been waylaid at Buffalo Creek by 
them and had five men killed and one wounded ; that James Pat- 
terson's shot pouch and powder horn had been found near the 
place, and he was a Great Island Indian, and they must come with 
us. The three Indians began to tremble, and leaving the victuals 
they were preparing, proceeded with us. 


"After we had traveled a short distance, I asked George 
len what we should do with the prisoners; he said we would 
:e them to the Fort and deliver them up to the commander. I 
d him if we do that perhaps they will let them go, or send 
*m to Philadelphia, where they would be used better than our- 
ves by the Quakers, and you know what a defeat I got a few 
teks ago at Buffalo Creek, where five of my neighbors were 
led and I had hard running to save my own life; I have declar- 
revenge on the first Indian that I saw, and am glad that the op- 
rtunity now offers. *VVhy,' said Allen, *would you kill them 
urself ? for you can get no person here to help you.' 'There 
enough,' said I, *to help me to kill them.' *Where you kill 
em?' said Allen. I told him on the hill that is before us, which 
s between the two branches of the Susquehanna River, near the 
Drth Branch. When we came to the top of the hill the prison- 
s asked liberty to eat some victuals, which we allowed them; 
ey directed us to where we might find it among their baggage ; 
J went and found it and gave it to them. While they were eat- 
g we concluded who would shoot at them. There were six 
us willing to shoot. As soon as they were done eating we told 
em to march on before us, and when they had gone about thirty 
rds w-e fired at them, and three fell, but one of them named 
iorge Allen, after the George Allen that was with us, was shot 
ily through the arm, and fell with that arm uppermost and 
Dodied his body, which made us believe he was shot through his 
•dy ; but after he was scalped, having a good pair of leggings on, 
le of the men had staid behind to take them off ; before he could 
:t any but one, the Indian started up and ran ; tlie man was sur- 
ised at his raising from the dead, and before he could get any 
sistance he had made his escape. He afterwards told, that run- 
ng down the hill he fell asleep ; that after he recovered he got up 
run, but the skin of his face, the scalj) being off, came down 
^er his eyes so that he could not see ; he then took off the legging 
at was left and bound it round his face, and when he came to a 
•ring he took the cold moss of the stones, laid it on his head to 
«p the hot sun from beating in upon his brains, and made out 
get to Great Island, where he recovered." 

The attitude of the various classes of people toward the In- 
ans is seen in the affair of Frederick Stump. 


Frederick Stump was a German living in Penn's township, 
not far from where Selinsgrove now stands. He was a stout, 
well-proportioned man five feet and eight inches in height, and 
thirty-three years of age. He had a servant, John Ironcutter, a 
thick, clumsy fellow nineteen years of age. Both of them used 
the German language and spoke English poorly. 

On the loth of January, 1768, White Mingo, Cornelius, John 
Campbell, Jones, and two Indian women came to Stump's house 
and were drunk and disorderly. When they would not leave at 
his command, he and his servant killed them. They then went 
up the creek to a cabin fourteen miles distant, and killed a woman, 
two girls and a child, then burned the cabin over their bodies. 
These Indians had come from Great Island to be near and under 
the protection of the white people, and while unruly when under 
the influence of rum, were not at all dangerous. When the news 
of the murder became known, the whites were filled with fear of 
the consequences by the Indians. Some of these tracked the 
murderer to Fort Augusta, and to the very house where he was 
in concealment. But the women at the house positively declared 
that they had not seen him, and thus he escaped. To show what 
they would do with him if they caught him, they seized a cat and 
pulled out its hair, then tore it to pieces. When Governor Penn 
heard of the deed he was greatly shocked, and at once sent mes- 
sengers to the Six Nations, pledging that he would do all in his 
power to apprehend the murderers and bring them to justice. He 
also commanded all officers of the province to use every effort 
to arrest them. He also offered a reward of £200 for their ap- 
prehension. The following letter was sent to the county magis- 
trates : *1 am persuaded, gentlemen, that the love of justice, a 
sense of duty, and a regard for the public safety will be sufficient 
inducements with you to exert yourselves in such manner as to 
leave no measures untried which may be likely to apprehend and 
bring to punishment the perpetrator of so horrible a crime, which, 
in its consequences, will certainly involve us again in all the calam- 
ities of an Indian war, and be attended with the effusion of much 
innocent blood, unless, by a proper exertion of the powers of Gov- 
ernment and a due execution of the laws, we can satisfy our In- 
dian allies that the Government does not countenance those who 
wantonly spill their blood, and convince them that we think our- 


selves bound by the solemn treaties made with them. I have this 
matter so much at heart that I have determined to give a reward 
of two hundred pounds to any person or persons who shall ap- 
prehend the said Frederick Stump and bring him to justice," etc. 

Stump was finally decoyed by the invitation to join a party 
to kill more Indians, showing the frenzy for killing was in his 
blood. He was lodged in the jail at Carlisle. Then a question 
arose as to where he should be tried, and in the meantime a body 
of sixty armed men surrounded the jail, and by force took Stump 
out, to set him at liberty. Other rewards were offered for his ar- 
rest, the Governor urged all officers to do their duty, and a des- 
cription of the man was broadly circulated. But the people re- 
fused to report him, and although his former neighbors did not 
wish him to remain amongst them, they would not put him in the 
hands of the law. They even complained that the Government 
discriminated in its acts of justice against the white people and in 
favor of the Indians. Stump and Ironcutter finally went down 
to Virginia, where he lived to an advanced age. 

The Indians thus saw, that while the asseverations of the 
authorities were in favor of justice, that either they did not mean 
what they said, or that they were powerless to fulfill their pledges. 
And the knowledge that the settlers would wink at such an atro- 
cious deed must have filled the heart of the Indian with scorn and 
desire for revenge. Such deeds were hastening the time when 
the races would battle w4th each other to the absolute destruction 
of the weaker one. 




IN THE study of Indian character, among the few that stand 
out in peculiar grandeur is Shikellimy, or, as he was some- 
times called, Swatane. It is said that he was one of the 
Susquehannocks, or Andastes, and that when the tribe gave up 
the pursuit of war and settled as a peaceful people at Conestoga, 
and some of the warriors, unwilling to thus give up active pur- 
suits, went out from the tribe and joined other tribes, that Shikel- 
limy went to the Oneidas and became one of them, uniting with 
the Oquacho or Wolf tribe. The inherent genius of the man 
could not be hidden, and he soon advanced to a commanding 
position among them. As early as 1728 he became the repre- 
sentative of the Six Nations in their treaties with the Proprie- 
tary government. The English people soon discovered his 
worth and always courted his favor. From the time he was 
appointed to this position, for twenty years, there was hardly 
a treaty made but his presence was manifested, and his wise 
counsels led the Indian chiefs to their conclusions. 

"In 1737," Conrad Weiser writes, *' I was sent the first 
time to Onondaga at the desire of the Governor of Virginia. I 
departed in the latter end of February very unexpectedly for a 
journey of five hundred miles through a wilderness where there 
was neither road nor path, and at such a time of the year when 
animals could not meet with food. There were with me a 
Dutchman and three Indians. On the ninth of April I found 
myself extremely weak through the fatigues of so long a jour- 
ney with cold and hunger which I had suffered. There having 
fallen a fresh snow about twenty inches deep, and we being yet 
three days* journey from Onondaga in a frightful wilderness 
my spirit failed, my body trembled and shook, and I thought I 
should fall down and die. I stepped aside and sat down under a 
tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon missed me. 

ShikeUimy, the Indian Viceroy at Sbamokin. 


The Indians came back and found me sitting there. They re- 
mained silent awhile; at last Shikellimy said, * My dear com- 
panion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us; wilt thou now give 
quite up? Remember that evil days are better than good days, 
for when we suffer much we do not sin ; sin will be driven out of 
us by suffering, and God cannot extend his mercy to the former ; 
but, contrarywise, when it goeth evil with us, God has compas- 
sion on us.' These words made me ashamed. I rose up and 
travelled as well as I could." 

Spangenberg reported these words of Shikellimy to Chris- 
tian David, who made them known to the Moravian brethren in 
Europe, and it induced several of the young brethren at Marion- 
bom to consecrate themselves to the work of missions among the 
Indians of North America. 

The year 1745 was an important year in the experience of 
Shikellimy. In the summer of this year he visited Bethlehem, 
and spent three weeks there. The visit was an event of unusual 
importance because the Brethren saw the value of his friend- 
ship and their doing every thing to retain it, and on his part the 
deepening of his spiritual life. He expressed his favorable rela- 
tions to them by formally adopting several of them into the 
Indian tribes and giving them the names of distinguished chiefs. 
At this time he was the commanding figure of all the visitors to 
Bethlehem. Among those who would see him and his com- 
panions, and be deeply impressed by his dignity of character, was 
the lad, John Henry Antes, then a scholar in the Youths' Choir 
House. The Indian would be shown the schools, and formally 
presented to the scholars, and they were at the age to be so im- 
pressed as never to forget the scene. Henceforth Shikellimy 
and Shamokin were words that had an intelligible meaning to 
them. After the visit Shikellimy, accompanied by Spangenberg, 
undertook a journey to Onondaga. While on this journey the 
chief gave to Spangenberg the name T'girhitonti, meaning a 
row of trees. 

When Shikellimy saw the advantage of the work of a black- 
sniith he desired the Brethren to establish one at Shamokin, and 
promised to have him taken care of. In response to this request 
Anton Schmidt was sent there in 1747, and from that time 
Shamokin became a center of Moravian work on both branches 
^^ the Susquehanna. In 1747 there was an epidemic of fever 


that attacked the tent of the chieftain and several of his famliy 
died. His life was saved by medicine given him by Conrad 
Weiser. Then came his visit to Bethlehem and his conversion 
to complete faith in Christ. 

Cammerhof excelled in keeping a diary. The minutest 
events were carefully recorded by him as if they were important 
historical events. In January of 1748 he visited Shamokin with 
Joseph Powell, and wrote: 

" Concluded to consult with Shikellimy about the smithy 
and appointed the afternoon for the interview. Asked him to 
dinner, which he deemed an honor. Later he summoned his 
councilors to our house. There were present Shikellimy, his 
two younger sons and Logan's wife, who was to act as inter- 
preter through the Mohican tongue. His oldest son was sick — 
was unable to be present. Mack's wife translated my words 
into Mohican, and Logan's wife this into Shawanese, and James 
Shikellimy into Oneida for his father. 

** Shikellimy said : ' Don't take it amiss, my brethren, that 
I speak first. You said you wished to tell me and my brethren 
words, but first I must tell you something. My brethren, don't 
take it amiss that the smith at Shamokin up to this time has not 
had more meat to eat. I have been sick, and also my sons and 
their children, and many of them died. If we had been well, 
and able to go on the hunt, then the smith and his wife would 
have had more to eat.' 

** We replied: *Shikellimy, my brother! T'girhitonti, my 
brother and your brother, heard of your great sickness; we 
sympathized with you and we rejoice to see that you are con- 
valescent. T'girhitonti, your brother, w^ishes you good health. 
(This pleased him exceedingly.) Shikellimy, my brother! My 
brother, the smith, and his brethren at Shamokin are not dis- 
pleased, for they had as much meat as was necessary ; and T'gir- 
hitonti and his brethren are not displeased, and rejoice of your 
kindness toward the smith.' Shikellimy said: 'So far the 
smith has taken deer skins in exchange for his work, cannot he 
also take raccoon, fox, w41d cat and other skins, so the smith 
can be paid for his work?' 

** 'Shikellimy, my brother, T'girhitonti and his brethren areno 
traders, they don't traffic in furs, for that is not their business; 
hence the smith cannot take all kinds of skins. The deer skins 


T'girhitonti and his brethren use for their people to make 
breeches, caps, gloves, etc. ; the smith must take deer skins. But, 
as T'girhitonti loves you and your brethren, the smith shall 
sometimes take otter, raccoon and fox skins, as such skins are 
useful to us. He will not deliver the work until it is paid for, 
else he be cheated.' 

" Shikellimy said : ' I always said that the smith should 
trust no Indian, but as soon as he mended a gun he should keep it 
until it is paid. Why did he trust? I knew he would be de- 

" *Shikellimy, my brother, the smith loves the Indians, and 
hence he trusted them. For when Indians came to him with their 
broken guns he did not want to send them away to get skins first, 
thus causing them to lose several days of the hunt — hence he 
trusted them. But he finds he is being cheated, and he is unwill- 
ing to trust any more.' 

Shikellimy said: 'Cannot the smith also take bear and elk 
skins for his work ?' * He can take as many bear skins,' we re- 
plied, * as are brought ; also the skins of the elk : but it is better 
if he is paid in deer skins, for T'girhitonti and his brethren are 
no traders.' 

Shikellimy said : * Now, my brethren, I have said all I have 
to say, and I thank you for your answers: now you can speak.' 

** *T'girhitonti,' said I, * and all his brethren send greetings 
to you, brother Shikellimy. I send you this, my younger brother 
(Cammerhof), to greet you, to tell you of my joy that you are 
again well, for I love you tenderly, Shikellimy. Johanan (Zin- 
zendorf's Indian name) who is o\'er the great water, so sent my 
younger brother over the great water to greet you and your 
brethren and to tell you he loves you.' 

" 'Shikellimy, I sent the smith here, who I love, to work for 
you, and I rejoice that you all love him. Continue to do so.' 

" 'Shikellimy, my brother. I need my brother ]Mack and his 
wife at Bethlehem, for she will soon be confined. (About this 
they spoke much to each other). I send my brother Powell to 
live with the smith and to help him. I love him and do you also 
love him.' (Here they smiled at Powell.) 

" 'Shikellimy, my brother, you said you would give the smith 
and his brethren more land to plant corn, pumpkins and turnips. 


Do as you said, and give them wood, so they can split rails and 
fence it in before planting time.' 

** *Shikellimy, my brother, we are delighted to hear that you 
will visit us again in Bethlehem, and if you bring along your son 
James and his Mohican wife, and your other sons, they will be 
heartily welcome. I have now said all I have to say and thank 
you for your attention. You are at liberty to reply if you have 
anything to say.' 

** He sent many greetings to T'girhitonti and his brethren, 
and said that as soon as it grew warmer, that he could sleep out 
in the woods, he would come to Bethlehem. His son Logan 
said the same thing. At the close of the conference I distributed 
some presents, after which Shikellimy pointed out to us a piece 
of land for the use of the smith. 

" I conferred with my brethren and we determined the 
following : 

1. That the smith is not to trust. 

2. That he is not to entertain Indians at his house, as it 
makes Shikellimy distrustful, for there are special houses for all 
strangers or visitors. To allow anyone to sleep in your house 
is a mark of great confidence. 

3. The smith is to trust no traders. 

4. No Indian to be trusted on any trader's account. 

5. Our brethren are not to interfere with or pass judgment 
in case of any dispute between Indians and traders, nor interfere 
with their bargains. 

6. Must represent to the Indians at all times that we are 
not traders. 

7. We must not lead Indians into temptation by leaving 
many things lie about the house or shop. 

8. Entertain no traders. Send them all to Shikellifny, ex- 
cept Captain McKee. 

9. Always be scrupulously truthful to the Indians; never 
say we have nothing when we have. 

10. We cannot be as hospitable to the Indians at Shamokin 
as at Bethlehem, as we do not raise harvests here, but must trans- 
port all our flour from Harris Ferry; but always be self-deny- 
ing to the last crust to the needy and the suffering and the sick. 

11. Our brethren are to visit the Indians frequently in their 
huts ; no distinction to be made between Iroquois, Delawares and 


Tudelars, although the former despise the Delawares. No par- 

12. The good will of Shikellimy and his family must be 
maintained. Invite him frequently to dinner and constantly 
seek his advice. 

13. No more land is to be used than is absolutely neces- 
sary to farm after the Indian fashion, and only corn, potatoes, 
turnips and beans to be raised. It is true Shikellimy proposed 
to the smith to keep cows and hogs, but this best be not done. 

January 19. Bishop Cammerhof reached Bethlehem. 
The death of this noble Indian was extremely pathetic. 
David Zeisberger was with him at the time and heard him reit- 
erate his faith in Christ and his love for the Brethren. He was 
again attacked by fever and grew worse so rapidly that he lost 
the power of speech. He reached out his hand to Zeisberger 
and tried to speak, but not being able to form the words, his 
countenance was illuminated by a bright smile of unusual percep- 
tion of what he could not express, and in this rapture he died. 

Zeisberger and Henry Fry made him a coffin, and the In- 
dians painted the body in their gayest colors, and bedecked it 
with his choicest ornaments, and placed with him his weapons 
according to the Indian custom, then after Christian rites con- 
ducted by Bishop Zeisberger, he was buried by the three famous 
Moravians, Post, Loesch and Schmidt, assisted by his sorrowing 
Indian friends. 

He had been buried several days when fiis son Logan returned 
home to weep over his grave and to express the true mourning 
of a loving Indian heart. 

Loskiel, the historian, who knew him well, pays this glow- 
ing tribute to his character and worth. 

" Being the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iro- 
quois Indians living on the banks of the Susquehanna as far as 
Onondaga, he thought it incumbent on him to be very circum- 
spect in his dealings with the white people. He mistrusted the 
Brethren at first, but upon discovering their sincerity became 
their firm and real friend. Being much engaged in political 
affairs he had learned the art of concealing his sentiments ; and 
therefore never contradicted those who endeavored to prejudice 
his mind against the missionaries, though he always suspected 
their motives. In the last years of his life he became less re- 


served and received those brethren who came to Shamokin into his 
house. He assisted them in building, and defended them 
against the insults of the drunken Indians ; being himself never 
addicted to drinking, because, as he expressed it, he never wished 
to become a fool. He had built his house upon pillars for safety, 
in which he always shut himself up when any drunken frolic 
was going on in the village. In this house Bishop Johannes Von 
Watteville and his company visited and preached the Gospel to 
him. It was then that the Lord opened his heart. He listened 
with great attention, and at last with tears respected the doc- 
trine of a crucified Jesus, and received it in faith. During his 
visit in Bethlehem a remarkable change took place in his heart, 
which he could not conceal. He found comfort, peace and joy, 
by faith, in his Redeemer, and the Brethren considered him as a 
candidate for baptism; but hearing that he had already been 
baptized by a Roman Catholic priest in Canada they only en- 
deavored to impress his mind with a proper idea of his sacramen- 
tal ordinance, upon which he destroyed a small idol which he 
wore about his neck. After his return to Shamokin the g^ace of 
God bestowed upon him was truly manifest, and his behaviour 
was remarkably peaceable and contented." 

The nobility of character that had distinguished Shikellimy 
was inherited by his second son Logan. He was named after 
James Logan, the cultured Governor of the Province, because of 
Shikellimy's regard for him. There was every thing in the per- 
sonal bearing of Logan to make him the true friend of the white 
people. His career is a presentation of the difficulties that beset 
the nobler Indians on the frontier when they were pressed on the 
the one hand by the unscrupulous white renegades and adven- 
turers, and on the other hand by the treacherous and cruel free- 
lance red men. They could please neither party, and the great 
body of white people were influenced more by the color of the 
parties than the justice of their cause. When Logan returned 
to Shamokin to weep at the grave of his beloved parent, there 
was not a grain of ill feeling in his heart against the whites. 
Even when the Susquehannocks were so foully murdered he did 
not rise in vengeance, for he knew that the deed was not the 
wish of the people but the frenzy of a horde of lawless men. But 
when his own family, his wife and little ones, were murdered, 
then the moral code of his people required that he should arise and 


avenge them. This he did, but with a broken heart, because of 
the destruction of all his hopes of futurity among the dwellers 
in the forests. The lonesomeness of his life was oppressive. 
His reply to Lord Dunmore reveals this, and has made his name 
to be known by every student of eloquence in this country. 

Let us turn for a moment to his household and see those 
whom he loved as his own, and for whom he slew the deer and 
the bear, and who comforted him in his lonesomeness. 

Logan's wife was a Mohican. Powell relates a very 
pathetic story of the death of her daughter. He says : " Last 
fall she took her daughter, four years old, with her on the annual 
hunt. It took sick and died, bewitched, she said, by the Dela- 
ware sorcerers. She carried the body of her dead child home 
and had it buried in the ancestral burying ground at Shamokin. 
The mother came to our house, asked for nails, as she wanted 
to make a coffin to put the child in. She told Sister Mack that 
before death it said : * Mother, I will soon die ; greet the white 
people; tell them that I never stole turnips. I always asked when 
I wanted one.' She asked her whether the child would go to 
our God. Sister Mack said yes, and she spoke of the love of God 
to children. Our brethren attended the funeral of the child. 
The mother placed it in the coffin with its presents, viz : a blanket. 
several pairs of mocassins, buckskin for new ones, needle and 
thread, a kettle, two hatchets to cut kindling wood, flint and 
steel, so that on arriving in the new country she could go to 
housekeeping. Beside this she was beautifully painted and had 
a supply of bear's meat, corn and a calabash. After the funeral 
the mother came to our house and brought a quart tin and gave 
it to Sister Mack, saying : * This had been her daughter's, and she 
should keep it in remembrance of her.' " 

R. P. Maclay said of Logan : '' This was Logan — the best 
specimen of humanity I ever met with, either white or red. We 
visited Logan at his camp at Logan's Spring, and your father 
and he shot at a mark for a dollar a shot. Logan lost four or 
five rounds and acknowledged himself beaten. W'hen we were 
about to leave him he went into his hut and brought out as many 
deerskins as he had lost dollars and handed them to Mr. ]\Iaclay, 
who refused to take them, alleging that we had been his guests 
and did not come out to rob him : that the shooting had only been 
a trial of skill, and the bet merely nominal. Logan drew him- 


self up with great dignity, and said, * Me bet to make'you shoot 
your best, me gentleman, and me take your dollar if me beat.' 
So he was obliged to take the skins or aflfront our friend, whose 
nice sense of honor w^ould not permit him to receive even a horn 
of powder in return. 

** Logan supported his family by killing deer, dressing the 
skins, and selling them to the whites. He had sold quite a par- 
cel to one De Yong, a tailor, who lived in Ferguson's Valley, be- 
low the gap.Tailors in those days dealt extensively in buckskin 
breeches. Logan received his pay, according to stipulation, in 
wheat. The w^heat on being taken to the mill was found so 
worthless that the miller refused to grind it. Logan was much 
chagrined, and attempted in vain to obtain redress from the 
tailor. He then took the matter before a magistrate ; and on the 
judge's questioning him as to the character of the wheat and 
what was in it, Logan sought in vain to find words to express the 
precise nature of the article with which the wheat was adulter- 
ated, but said that it resembled in appearance the wheat itself. 

* It must have been cheat,' said the judge. * Yoh,' said Logan, 

* that very good name for him.' A decision was awarded in 
Logan's favor, and a writ given to Logan to hand to the constable, 
which, he was told, would bring him the money for his skins. 
But the untutored Indian, too uncivilized to be dishonest, could 
not comprehend by what magic this little paper would force the 
tailor against his will to pay for the skins. The judge took 
down his own commission, wath the arms of the King upon it, 
and explained to him the first principles and operations of the 
civil law\ * Law good,' said Logan, * makes rogues pay.' But 
how much more simple and efficient was the law which the Great 
Spirit had impressed upon his heart, * to do as he would be done 

" When a sister of Mrs. Norris (afterwards Mrs. Gen. Pot- 
ter) w\is just beginning to learn to walk her mother happened to 
express her regret that she could not get a pair of shoes to give 
more firmness to her little step. Logan stood by but said noth- 
ing. He soon after asked Mrs. Brown to let the little girl go up 
and spend the clay at his cabin. The cautious heart of the mother 
was alarmed at such a proposition ; but she knew the delicacy of 
an Indian's feelings, and she knew Logan too, and w-ith secret re- 
luctance but apparent cheerfulness she complied with his request. 


The hours of the day wore very slowly away, and it was nearly 
night when her little one had not returned. But just as the sun 
was going down the trusty chief was seen coming down the path 
with his charge, and in a moment more the little one trotted into 
her mother's arms, proudly exhibiting a beautiful pair of mocca- 
sins on her little feet — the product of Logan's skill. 

'* Logan's whole family was barbarously murdered, without 
the least provocation, by some white savages who had no respect 
for law or humanity. 

" Mr. Jefferson has caused to be perpetuated the words of 
Logan to a messenger from Lord Dunmore in 1774, which is said 
to be unsurpassed for eloquence. They are : * I appeal to any 
white man to say if ever he entered. Logan's cabin hungry and he 
gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked and he 
clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody 
war Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. 
Such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as 
they passed and said, Logan is the friend of white men. I had 
even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one 
man, Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked 
murdered all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my women 
and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins 
of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have 
sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my ven- 
geance; for my country I rejoice at the beams of peace, but do 
not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never 
felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is 
there to mourn for Logan? Not one.' 

" Logan gave himself up to intoxication. 

" As to the revenge he refers to, the murder of his family 
brought on the Indian war; many very prominent officers and 
men among the whites were killed. In one battle there were 
engaged eleven hundred of the whites and possibly three thousand 
Indians. In the Book of the Indians it says, 'The whole line of the 
breastwork now became a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly to the 
close of the day. Here the Indians under Logan, Cornstock, 
Flinipsico, Red Eagle and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the 
Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes, Wyandots and Cayugas, 
amounting, as was supposed, to three thousand warriors, fought 
as men will ever do for their country's wrongs with a bravery 


which could only be equalled. The voice of the mighty Corn- 
stock was often heard during the day, above the din of strife, 
calling on his men in these words, * Be strong ! Be strong !' And 
when by the repeated charges of the whites some of his warriors 
began to waver he is said to have sunk his tomahawk into the 
head of one who was cowardly endeavoring to desert' 

" In this battle seventy-five white men were killed and one 
hundred and forty wounded. 

** Logan was over six feet in height and well proportioned. 
In October, 1781, while on his way home from Detroit he was 
sitting with his blanket over his head when an Indian who had 
taken some offence stole behind him and buried a tomahawk in 
his brain." 





IN STUDYING the Indian question several important particu- 
lars are to be borne in mind. There were many tribes of 

Indians who cherished a spirit of rivalry that developed into 
the most savage and destructive enmity. In the development of 
this antagonism one tribe w-ould become the ally of the foes of 
the other tribe, and thus indirectly seek the ruin of their rivals. 
The Delaware Indians and the Iroquois, or Six Nations, were 
rivals. Each party claimed to possess superiority originally, and 
the historian can hardly decide the question. The Delawares 
claimed that they were superior to the Iroquois until the Dutch 
by a shrewd political proposition weakened them and gave the 
advantage to the Iroquois. This bred a bitter hatred. It allied 
the Iroquois to the Dutch and enabled them to reap the advantage 
through their fur trade at Albany, their most famous outpost in 
the Indian trade. 

Penn made his famous treaty with the Delawares, and this 
was the tribe with whom the Moravians were so signally success- 

In the land frauds by the Proprietary Government the 
English took every kind of advantage of the Delawares. Embit- 
tered by the loss of their lands and the deceit of the English the 
Delawares united with the French and waged a terrible and cruel 
war against the entire line of the frontier. The Governor of 
the province found it w^orth his while to conciliate and make a 
treaty with Teedyuscung, the shrewd, eloquent and powerful king 
of the Delawares. 

The Iroquois became the allies of the English and opposed 
the French and also the Delawares. Taking advantage of the 
co-operation of the English they insulted the Delawares and com- 
pelled them to remove from their old homes to places farther in 
the interior where the Iroquois could strike them more easily. 

In the Revolution the Iroquois remained the allies of the 


English and spread most horrible desolation over the homes of 
the American patriots. 

Indian Tradition concerning the Origin of the Five Nations. 

By Cannassatego. 

" When our good Manitta raised Akanishionegy out of the 
great waters he said to his brethren, *How fine a country this is! 
I will make red men — ^the best of men — to enjoy it.' Then with 
five handfuls of red seeds like the eggs of flies did he strow the 
fertile fields of Onondago. Little worms came out of the seeds 
and penetrated the earth when the spirits who had never yet 
seen the light entered into and united with them. Manitta 
watered the earth with his rain, the sun warmed it, the worms 
with the spirits in them grew putting forth little arms and legs 
and moved the light earth that covered them. After nine moons 
they came forth perfect boys and girls. Manitta covered them 
with his mantle of warm purple cloud and nourished them with 
milk from his finger ends. Nine summers did he nurse them, and 
nine summers more did he instruct them how to live. In the 
meantime he had made for their use trees, plants, and animals of 
various kinds. Akanishionegy was covered with woods and 
filled with creatures. Then he assembled his children together 
and said : * Ye are five nations for ye sprang each from a differ- 
ent handful of the seed I sowed ; but ye are all brethren, and I am 
your father, for I made ye all ; I have nursed and brought you up. 
Mohocks, I have made you bold and valiant, and see, I give you 
corn for your food. Oneidas, I have made you patient of pain 
and of hunger, the nuts and fruits of the trees are yours. Sene- 
cas, I have made you industrious and active, beans do I give you 
for nourishment. Cayugas, I have made you strong, friendly 
and generous, ground nuts and every root shall refresh you. 
Onondagoes, I have made you wise, just and eloquent, squashes 
and grapes have I given you to eat and tobacco to smoke in coim- 
cil. The beasts, birds and fishes have I given you in common. 
As I have loved and taken care of you all so do you love and take 
care of one another. Communicate freely to each other the good 
things I have given you. and learn to imitate each other's virtues. 
I have made you the best people in the world, and I give you the 
best country. You will defend it from the invasions of other 


nations, from the children of other Manittas, and keep posses- 
sion of it for yourselves while the sun and moon give Hght and 
the waters run in the rivers. This you shall do if you observe 
my words. Spirits, I am now about to leave you. The bodies 
I have given you will in time grow old and wear out so that you 
will be weary of them; or, from various accidents they may be- 
come unfit for your habitation and you will leave them. I can- 
not remain here always to give you new ones. I have great 
affairs to mind in distant places and I cannot again attend to the 
nursing of children, I have enabled you therefore among your- 
selves to produce new bodies to supply the place of old ones, that 
every one of you when he parts with his old habitation may in 
due time find a new one and never wander longer than he chose 
under the earth deprived of the light of the sun. Nourish and 
instruct your children as I have nourished and instructed you. 
Be just to all men and kind to strangers that come among you. 
So shall you be happy and be loved by all, and I myself will some- 
times visit and assist you.' 

*' Saying this he wrapped himself in a bright cloud and went 
like a swift arrow to the sun where his brethren rejoiced at his 
return. From thence he often looked at Akanishionegy and 
pointing showed with pleasure to his brothers the country he 
had formed and the nations he had produced to inhabit it." 

Origin of the Five Nations. 

By some inducement a body of people was concealed in the 
mountain at the falls named Kuskehsawkich (now Oswego), 
When the people were released from the mountain they were 
visited by Tarenyawagon, that is, the Holder of the Heavens, who 
had power to change himself into various shapes; he ordered the 
people to proceed toward the sunrise, as he guided them and 
came to a river named Yenonanatche, that is, going round a 
mountain (now Mohawk), and went down the bank of the 
nver and came to where it discharges into a great river running 
toward the mid-day sun; and named Shaw-nay-taw-ty, that is, 
Wond the Pineries (now Hudson), and went down the bank 
of the river and touched the bank of a great water. The com- 
pany made encampment at the place and remained there a few 
^ys. The people were yet in one language ; some of the people 


went on the banks of the great water towards the mid-day sun; 
but the main company returned as they came, on the bank of the 
river, under the direction of the Holder of the Heavens. Of this 
company there was a particular body which called themselves one 
household; of these were six families and they entered into a 
resolution to preserve the chain of alliance which should not be 
extinguished in any manner. 

The company advanced some distance up the river of Shaw- 
nay-taw-ty, the Holder of the Heavens directs the first family to 
make their residence near the bank of the river, and the family 
was named Tc-haw-rc-ho-geh, that is, a speech divided (now 
Mohawk), and their language was soon altered; the company 
then turned and went towards the sun setting and travelled about 
two (lays and a half, and came to a creek which was named Kaw- 
na-taw-te-ruh, that is, Pineries. The second family was directed 
to make their residence near the creek, and the family was named 
Xe-haw-re-tah-go, that is. Big Tree (now Oneidas), and like- 
wise their language was altered. The company continued to 
proceed towards the sun setting under the direction of the Holder 
of the Heavens. The third family was directed to make their 
residence on a mountain named Onandago and the family was 
named Seuh-now-kah-tah, that is, carrying the name, and their 
language was altered. The company continued their journey 
towards the sun setting. The fourth family was directed to make 
their residence near a long lake named Go-yo-goh, that is, a 
mountain rising from water (now Cayuga), and the family was 
named Sho-nea-na-we-to-wah, that is, a great pipe; their lan- 
guage was altered. The company continued to proceed toward 
the sun setting. The fifth family was directed to make their resi- 
dence near a high mountain, or rather mole, situated south of the 
Canandagua lake, which was named Jenneatowake, and the 
family was named Te-how-nea-nyo-hent, that is, possessing a 
door (now Seneca), and their language was altered. The sixth 
family went with the family that journeyed toward the sun set- 
ting and touched the bank of a great lake and named Kau-ha-g^'a- 
fah-ka, that is, a cat (now Erie), and then went towards between 
the mid-day and the sun setting, and travelled a considerable dis- 
tance, and came to a large river which was named Ouau-we-yo- 
ka, that is, a principal stream (now Mississippi) ; the people dis- 
covered a grape vine lying across the river by which a part of the 


people went over, but while they were engaged, the vine broke, 
and w^ere divided, they became enemies to those who went over 
the river; in consequence they were obliged to disperse the jour- 
ney. The Holder of the Heavens instructs them in the use of 
the bows and arrows in the time of game and danger. Asso- 
ciates were dispersed and each family went to search for resi- 
dences according to the conveniences of game. The sixth fam- 
ily went towards the sun-rise and touched the bank of the great 
Avater. The family. was directed to make their residence near 
Cau-ta-noh, that is. Pine in water, situated near the mouth of 
Kuse river, now in North Carolina, and the family was named 
Kau-ta-noh, now Tuscarora, and their language was also altered ; 
but the six families did not go so far as to lose the understanding 
of each other's language. The Holder of the Heavens returns 
to the five families and forms the mode of confederacy, which 
was named Ggo-nea-seab-neh, that is, a Long House. 

By the figure of a Long House the Iroquois meant to denote 
the confederated frame-work of the League. By a great tree 
planted they symbolized its deep seated natural power, one in 
blood and lineage, and its overshadowing influence and perma- 
nency. To assail such a combination of stout hearts, nature they 
thought must send forth the stoutest and most appalling objects 
of her creation. 

The first enemy that appeared to question their power or dis- 
turb their peace, was the fearful phenomenon Ko-nea-rau-neh- 
neh. or the flying heads. These heads were enveloped in a beard 
and hair flaming like fire; they were of monstrous size and shot 
through the air w4th the velocity of meteors. Human power was 
not adequate to cope with them. The priests pronounced them 
an emanation of some mysterious influence and it remained with 
the priests alone to exorcise them by their arts. Drum, and rat- 
tle, and incantation were deemed more eff^ective than arrow or 
club. One evening after they had been plagued a long time with 
this fearful visitation, the flying head came to the door of a lodge 
occupied by a single female and her dog. She was sitting com- 
posedly before the fire roasting acorns which, as they became 
done, she deliberately took from the fire and ate. Amazement 
seized the flying head, who put out two huge black paws from be- 
'^eath his streaming beard. Supposing the woman to be eating 
^Jve coals, he withdrew, and from that time he came no more 


among them. His withdrawal was followed by the appearance 
of the great On-yar-he, or lake serpent which traversed the coun- 
try, and by coiling himself in leading positions near the paths, 
interrupted the communication l>etween the towns. He created 
terror wherever he went, and diffused a poisonous breath. 

While this enemy yet remained in the land, and they were 
counselling about the best means of killing him or driving him 
away, the country was invaded by a still more powerful enemy, 
namely the Ot-ne-yar-heh, or stonish giants. They were a pow- 
erful tribe from the wilderness, tall, fierce and hostile, and resist- 
ance to them was vain. They defeated and overwhelmed an 
army which was sent out against them, and put the whole coun- 
try in fear. These giants were not only of prodigious strength, 
but they were cannibals devouring men, women and children in 
their inroads. 

It is said by the Shawanese that they were descended from a 
certain family which journeyed from the east side of the Mississ- 
ippi after the vine broke and they went towards the northwest 
Abandoned to wandering and the hardships of the forest they for- 
got the rules of humanity and began at first to eat raw flesh and 
next men. They practiced rolling themselves in the sand and by 
this means their bodies were covered with hard skin so that the 
arrows of the Iroquois only rattled against their rough bodies and 
fell at their feet. And the consequence was that they were oblig- 
ed to hide in caves and glens, and were brought in subjection by 
these fierce invaders for many winters. 

At length the Holder of the Heavens visited his people, and 
finding that they were in great distress he determined to grant 
them relief and rid them entirely of these barbarous invaders. 
To accomplish this he changed himself into one of these giants, 
and brandishing his heavy club led them on under the pretence of 
finding the Akonoshioni. When they had got near to their 
stronghold at Onondaga, night coming on, he bade them lie down 
in a hollow, telling them tliat he would make the attack at the 
customary hour at day-break. But at day-break, having ascend- 
ed a height lie overwhelmed Ihem with a vast mass of rocks, 
where their forms may yet l^c seen. Only one escaped to carry 
the news of their dreadful fate, and he fled towards the north. 
They were thus relieved, and began to live in more security, but 
the great Onyarhe was yet in the country. Alarmed by what 


Tarenyawagon had done to relieve his people, and fearing for 
himself, he withdrew to the lakes where he and his brood were 
destroyed with thunderbolts, or compelled to retire to deep 

The Five Families w^ere so much molested with giants and 
monsters that they were compelled to build forts to protect them- 
selves. The manner of doing it was this: They built fires 
against trees and then used their stone axes to pick off the charred 
part ; in this way by renewing the fire they soon felled them ; and 
the fallen trunks were burned off in suitable lengths the same 
way, and then set up according to the size and plan of the fort, a 
bank of earth being piled outside and inside. They left two 
gates, one to get water, and the other as a sally port. 

For some time after the great Onyarhe had left the country 
they had peace; but in after years a still more terrific enemy 
came. It had a man's head in the body of a serpent. This ter- 
rific form took his position on the path between the Onondagas 
and Cayugas, and thus cut off all intercourse between their 
towns, for this was also the great thoroughfare of the Five Na- 
tions. The bravest warriors were mustered to attack him with 
spears, darts and clubs. They approached him on all sides wnth 
yells. A terrible battle ensued ; the monster raged furiously, but 
he was at last pierced in a vital place and finally killed. This 
triumph was celebrated in songs and dances, and the people were 
consoled. They hunted again in peace, but after a time rumors 
began to be rife of the appearance of an extraordinary and fero- 
cious animal in various places under the name of the great O-yal- 
kher, or mammoth bear. One morning while a party of hunters 
were in their camp near the banks of a lake in the Oneida coun- 
try, they were alarmed by a great tumult breaking out from the 
lake. Going to see the cause of this extraordinary noise, they 
saw- the monster on the bank rolling down stones and logs into 
the water, and exhibiting the utmost signs of rage. Another 
g^eat animal of the cat kind, with great paws, came out of the 
water, and seized the bear. A dreadful fight ensued : in the end 
the bear was worsted and retired horribly lamed. The next day 
the hunters ventured out to the spot where they found one of the 
fore legs of the bear. It was so heavy that two men were requir- 
ed to lift it, but they found it was palatable food and made use of 


it, for their warriors believe that it inspires courage to eat of 
fierce and brave animals. 

After a while a great pestiferous and annoying creature of 
the insect tribe appeared about the forts at Onondaga, in the 
guise of the Ge-ne-un-dah-sais-ke, or huge mosquito. It flew 
about the fort with vast wings, making a loud noise with a long 
stinger, and on wdiomsoever it lighted it sucked out his blood and 
killed him. Many warriors were killed in this way, and all at- 
temps made to subdue it were abortive till Tarenyawagon, the 
Holder of the Heavens, was on a visit one day to the ruler of the 
Onondagas. The giant mosquito happened to come flying about 
the fort as usual at this time. Tarenyawagon attacked it, but 
such w^as its rapidity of flight that he could scarcely keep in sight 
of it. He chased it around the border of the great lakes towards 
sun-setting, and around the great country at large east and west. 
At last he overtook it and killed it near Gen-an-do-a, or the salt 
lake of Onondaga. From the blood flowing out on this occasion 
the present species of small mosquitoes originated. 

It appears from the best authorities that the first inhabitants 
of the ancient valley of Anahuac or Mexico came from the north. 
According to the historian Sahagini, these early inhabitants were 
Toltecs. They lived first at Tullantzinco, and thence migrated 
to Tulla. They had for their god, Quetzalcoatl, whom they re- 
garded as their teacher in arts and learning. They traced to him 
their progress in power and civilization ; he rendered them super- 
ior to other men in war and cultivation, and as he was deemed 
both a god and a man, they appealed to him as a divine director 
as well as their leader and founder. They also had in after times 
a king, or a ruling priest of the same name. By the counsel of 
the former they left Tulla and travelled eastward till they found 
a place called Tlapallan, or the city of the sun. This city they in 
process of time condemned and destroyed. Having done this 
they went and founded the celebrated town of Cholula — still 
known for the ruins of its magnificent terraced pyramid. Thus 
far Quetzalcoatl, under whom they had risen to power, abode 
with them, and having accomi)lished the object of his care it was 
in this quarter that he left them and disappeared. He was, how- 
ever, expected to re-appear, and this belief was preserved up to 
the time of the conquest of the country by Cortez, whom the Az- 
tecs at first mistook for their benefactor. 


It is remarkable that we find in the dim vista of Iroquois 
tradition a counterpart of this story of Quetzalcoatl, differing 
chiefly in the name of the individual, and some of the incidents 
to whom the bold northern clans ascribed their early power and 
supremacy, and in the extent to which he was supposed to have 
carried them in arts, arms and exploits. 

Terenyawagon, as the name is written by Cusick, united in 
one person the powers of a god and a man, and while they gave 
him the expressive name of the "Holder of the Heavens/' denot- 
ing the highest degree of sustaining power, he appeared only in 
the form of a man and taught them hunting, gardening, theknowl- 
edge of medicine, and the art of war. He extricated them from 
the spot of their subterraneous confinement, not far inland from 
the borders of one of the great lakes. He imparted to them the 
knowledge of the laws and government of the Great Spirit, and 
g^ve them directions and encouragement how to fulfill their du- 
ties and obligations. He gave them corn and beans, and fruits 
of various kinds, with the knowledge of planting these fruits. 
He taught them how to kill and roast game. He made the for- 
ests free to all the tribes to hunt, and removed obstructions from 
the streams. He took his position some times on the top of high 
cliffs springing if need were over frightful chasms ; and he flew, 
as it were, over the great lakes in a wonderful canoe of immacu- 
late whiteness and magic power. 

Having done this, he came down to terms of closer intimacy 
with the Onondagas, and resolved to lay aside his divine charac- 
ter, and live among them that he might exemplify the maxims 
which he had taught. For this purpose he selected a handsome 
spot of ground on the southern banks of a lake called Te-on-to, 
being the same sheet of water which in the present area of West- 
em New York is called Cross Lake. Here he built his cabin, 
and from the shores of this lake he went out to the forest like the 
rest of his red companions in quest of game and fish. He took 
a wife of the Onondagas, by whom he had an only daughter, 
whom he tenderly loved, and most kindly and carefully treated 
and instructed, so that she was known far and wide as his favor- 
ite child and regarded almost as a goddess. The excellence of 
his character, and his great sagacity and good counsels, led the 
people to view him with veneration, and they gave him in his sub- 
lunary character, the name of Hi-a-wat-ha, signifying a very wise 


man. People came to consult him from all quarters, and his 
abode was thronged by all ages and conditions who came for ad- 
vice. He became the first chief in all the land, and whoever he 
made his companions and friends, w^ere likewise clothed with the 
authority of chiefs in the tribe. In this manner all power came 
naturally into his hands, and the tribe rejoiced that they had so 
wise and good a man to rule over them. For in those days each 
tribe was independent of all others; they had not yet formed a 
league, but fought and warred with each other. 

Nothing that belonged to Hiawatha w^as more remarkable 
than his magic canoe, w^hich shone with a supernatural lustre, 
and in w^hich he had performed so many of his extraordinary 
feats. This canoe was laid aside when he came to fix his resi- 
dence at Teonto, and never used except for great and extraordi- 
nary purposes. When great councils were called and had assem- 
bled the wise men to deliberate together, the sacred canoe was 
carefully lifted from the grand lodge, which formed its resting 
place ; and after these occasions were ended it was as carefully re- 
turned to the same receptacle on the shoulders of men who felt 
honored in being the bearers of such a precious burden. Thus 
passed away many years, and every year saw the people increas- 
ing in numbers, skill, arts and bravery. It was among the Onon- 
dagas that Tarenya wagon had located himself, and although he 
regarded the other tribes as friends and brothers, he had become 
identified as an adoj)ted member of this particular tribe. Under 
his teaching and influence they became the first among all the 
original clans and rose to the highest distinction in every art 
which was known to, or prized by the Akonoshioni. They were 
the wisest counsellors, the best orators, the most expert hunters, 
and the bravest warriors. They also afforded the highest exam- 
]:)Ies of obedience to the laws of the Great Spirit. If offences took 
place, Hiawatha redressed them, and his wisdom and moderation 
preserved the tribe from feuds. Hence the Onondagas were early 
noted among all tribes for their pre-eminence. He appeared to 
devote liis chief attention to them, that he might afterwards make 
them examples to the otliers in arts and wisdom. They were 
foremost in the overthrow of the stone giants, and the killing of 
the great serpent. To be an Onondaga was the highest honor. 

While Hiawatha was thus living in domestic quiet among 
the people of the hills, and administering their simple government 


with wisdom, they became alarmed by the sudden approach of a 
furious and powerful enemy from the north .of the great lakes. As 
this enemy advanced they made an indiscriminate slaughter of 
men, women and children. The villagers fled in a short time be- 
fore them, and there was no heart in the people to make a stand 
against siich powerful and ruthless invaders. In this emergency 
they fled to Hiawatha for his advice. He advised them to call a 
council of all the tribes from the east and west. "For," said he, 
"Our safety is not alone in the club, and the dart, but in wise 
counsels." He appointed a place on the banks of the Onondaga 
lake for the meeting. It was a clear eminence from which there 
was a wide prospect. Runners were despatched in every direc- 
tion ; and the chiefs, warriors and head men forthwith assembled 
in great numbers, bringing with them, in the general alarm, their 
w^omen and children. Fleets of canoes were seen on the bosom of 
the lake, and every interior war path was kept open by the foot 
prints of men hurrying to obey the summons of Hiawatha. All 
but the wise man himself had been there for three days anxiously 
awaiting the arrival of Hiawatha, when messengers were des- 
patched after him. They found him gloomy and depressed. 
Some great burden appeared to hang on his mind. He told them 
that evil lay in his path and that he had a fearful forelx)ding of 
ill-fortune. He felt that he was called to make some great sacri- 
fice, but he did not know what it was. Least of all did he think 
it was to be his daughter. Ever careful of her, he bade her kind- 
ly to accompany him. Nothing happened to hinder or at all in- 
terrupt their voyage. The talismanic white canoe which held them, 
glided silently down the deep waters of the Seneca. Not a pad- 
dle was necessary to give it impetus, while it pursued the down- 
ward course of the stream, till they reached Sohahee or the point 
of the lake outlet. At this point Hiawatha took his paddle, and 
gave it impetus against the current until they entered on the 
bright and level surface of the Onondaga, cradled as this i)ure 
sheet of water is, among lofty and far sweeping hills. When 
the white canoe of the venerable chief appeared, a shout of wel- 
come rang among these hills. The day was calm and serene. 
No wind ruffled the lake, and scarcely a cloud floated in the sky 
overhead. But while the wise man was measuring his stejis to- 
ward the council grounds and up an ascent from the water's edge, 
a long low sound was heard as if it were caused by the approach 


of a violent rushing wind. Instantly all eyes were turned up- 
wards where a small and compact mass of cloudy darkness ap- 
peared. It gathered size and velocity as it approached, and ap- 
peared to be directed inevitably to fall in the midst of the assem- 
bly. Every one fled in consternation but Hiawatha and his 
daughter. He stood erect with ornaments waving in his frontlet 
and besought his daughter calmly to await the issue. " For it is 
impossible," said he, *' to escape the power of the Great Spirit; 
if he has determined our destruction, we cannot by running fly 
from it." She modestly assented, and they stood together, while 
horror was depicted in every other face. But the force of the 
descending body was like that of a sudden storm. They had 
hardly taken the resolution to halt, when an immense bird with 
long distended wrings came down with a swoop and crushed the 
daughter to the earth. This gigantic agent of the skies came with 
such force that the whole assembly felt the shock and were blo\vn 
back several rods. The girl, who was beautiful inherlooksand form, 
was completely crushed, and the head, beak and neck of the bird 
were buried in the ground from the mere force of the fall. The 
very semblance of a human being could not be recognized among 
the shattered remains of the daughter. These w^ere, however, col- 
lected and buried. But Hiawatha was inconsolable for his loss. 
He grieved sorely day and night ; and wore a desponding and de- 
jected countenance. But these were only faint indications of the 
feelings of his heart. He threw himself on the ground and re- 
fused to be comforted. He seemed dumb with melancholy, and 
the people feared for his life. He spake nothing; he made no 
answers to questions put him. He laid still like one dead. After 
several days the council appointed Hosee Noke, a merry-hearted 
chief, to make a visit to him, and to whisper a speech of consola- 
tion in his ears, and to arouse him from his stU])or. The result 
was successful : he approached him with ceremonies and induced 
him to arise and name a time to meet the council. Yet haggard 
with grief, he called for refreshments, and ate. He then ad- 
justed his wardrt^be and head dress, and went to the council. He 
drew his robe of wolf skins gracefully around him, and walked 
to his scat at the head of the assembled chiefs with a majestic 
step. Stillness and the most fixed attention reigned in the coun- 
cil while the discussion was opened and proceeded. The subject 
of the invasion was handled by several of the ablest counsellors 


and boldest warriors. Various plans were proposed to foil the 
enemy. Hiawatha listened in silence until all had finished speak- 
ing. His opinion was then asked. After a brief allusion to the 
calamity that had befallen him through the descent of the bird 
of the Great Spirit, he spoke to the following effect. *' I have 
listened to the words of wise men and brave chiefs. But it is 
not fitting that we should do a thing of so much importance in 
haste. It is a subject demanding calm reflection and mature de- 
liberation. Let us postpone the decision for one day. During 
this time we will weigh well the words of the speakers who have 
already spoken. If they are good, I will then approve them: if 
they are not, I will then open to you my plan. It is one which 
I have reflected on, and feel confident that it will ensure safety." 

When another day had expired the council again met. 
Hiawatha entered the assembly with even more than the ordin- 
ary attention, and every eye was fixed upon him when he began 
his address in the following words : '' Friends and brothers, you 
are members of many tribes. You have come from a great dis- 
tance. The voice of war has roused you up. You are afraid 
for your homes, your wives, your children. You tremble for 
your safety. Believe me, I am one with you. My heart beats 
with your hearts. We are one. We have one common object. 
We come to promote the common interest and to determine how 
this can be best done. To oppose these hordes of northern tribes 
singly and alone would prove certain destruction. We can 
make no progress in that way. We must unite ourselves into one 
common band of brothers. We must have but one voice. Many 
voices make confusion. We must have one fort, one pipe, one 
war club. This will give us strength. If our warriors are united 
they can defeat the enemy and drive tliem from our land. If we 
do this we are safe. 

" Onondaga, you are the people sitting under the shadow 
of the great tree whose roots sink deep in the earth, and whose 
branches spread wide around. You shall be the first nation, be- 
cause you are warlike and mighty. 

** Oneata, and you, the people who recline your bodies 
against the everlasting stone that cannot be moved, shall l)e the 
second nation, because you always give wise counsel. 

" And you, the people who have your habitations at the foot 
of the great mountain and are overshadowed by its crags, shall 
be the third nation, because you are all greatly gifted in speech. 


**Ancl you, the people whose dwelling is in the dark forest, 
and whose home is ever there, shall be the fourth nation, because 
of your superior cunning in hunting. 

" And you, the people who live in the open country and pos- 
sess much wisdom, shall be the fifth nation, because you under- 
stand better the art of raising corn and beans, and making cabins. 

'* You, five great and powerful nations, with your tribes, 
must unite and have one common interest, and no foes shall dis- 
turb or subdue you. You, the people who are as the beetle bushes, 
and you, who are a fishing people, may place yourselves under our 
protection, and wc will defend you. And you of the south, and you 
of the west may do the same, and we will protect you. We 
earnestly desire the alliance and friendship of you all. 

** Brothers, if we unite in this bond the Great Spirit will 
smile upon us, and we shall be free, prosperous and happy; but 
if we remain as we are, we shall be subject to His frown. We 
shall be enslaved, ruined, perhaps annihilated forever. We may 
perish, and our names be lost forever. 

" Brothers, these are the w^ords of Hiawatha. Let them 
sink deep in your hearts. I have said it." 

A deep and impressive silence followed the delivery of this 
speech. On the following day the council met to act on it. De- 
liberation had recommended it as founded in high wisdom. The 
union of the tribes in one confederacy was discussed, and unan- 
imously adopted. To denote the character and intimacy of the 
union they employed the figure of a single council house, or lodge, 
whose boundaries were coextensive with their territories. Hence 
the name Aquinushioni, who were called Iroquois by the French. 

The great l^ird which fell from heaven brought a precious 
gift to the warriors in the white plumes which covered it. Every 
warrior, as he approached the si)ot where it fell, plucked a feather 
of snowy whiteness to adorn his brows: and the celestial visitant 
thus became the means of furnishing the aspirants of military 
fame with an emblem which was held in the highest estimation- 
Succeeding generations iml)il)ed the custom from this incident to 
supply themselves with a ])lumage approaching it as nearly as 
possible : they selected the plumes of the white heron. 

Hiawatha, the guardian and founder of the league, having 
now accomplished the will of the Great Spirit, and the withdrawal 
of his daughter having been regarded by him as a sign that his 


mission was ended, he immediately prepared to make his final 
departure. Before the great council, which had adopted his ad- 
vice dispersed he arose with a dignified air and addressed them 
in the following manner : 

" Friends and brothers, I have now fulfilled my mission be- 
low. I have taught you arts which you will find useful. I have 
furnished you seeds and grains for your gardens; I have removed 
obstructions from your waters and made the forest habitable by 
teaching you to expel its monsters; I have given you fishing 
grounds and hunting grounds; I have instructed in the making 
and using of warlike implements ; I have taught how to cultivate 
corn. Many other arts and gifts I have been allowed by the 
Great Spirit to communicate to you. Lastly, I have aided you 
to form a league of friendship and union. If you preserve this 
and admit no foreign element of power by the admission of other 
nations you will always be free, numerous and happy. If other 
tribes and nations are admitted to your councils they will sow 
the seeds of jealousy and discord, and you will become few, feeble 
and enslaved. 

" Friends and brothers, remember these words. They are 
the last you will hear from the lips of Hiawatha. The great 
Master of breath calls me to go. I have patiently waited His 
summons. I am ready to go. Farewell." 

As the voice of the wise man ceased, sweet sounds from the 
air burst on the ears of the multitude. The whole sky appeared 
to be filled with melody. And while all eyes were directed to 
catch glimpses of the sights and enjoy strains of the celestial 
music that filled the sky, Hiawatha was seen seated in his snow 
white canoe in the mid-air, rising with every choral chant that 
burst out. As he rose, the sounds became more soft and faint, 
till he vanished in the summer clouds, and the melody ceased. 
Thus terminated the labors and cares of Tarenyawagon, or, the 
Iroquois Quetzalcoatl. 

The word Iroquois is founded on an exclamation, or re- 
sponse, made by the Sachems and warriors, on the delivery to 
them of an address. The Indians themselves did not use the 
term, but Ongwe Honwe, or, a people surpassing all others. 
This was the common term for the red race of this continent 
which they acknowledge as the equivalent for our word Indian. 
At what period they confederated we have no means of decid- 


ing. It appears to have been recent judging from traditional 
testimony. While their advancement in the economy of living, 
in arms, in diplomacy and in civil polity would lead conjecture 
to a more remote date. Their own legends, like those of some 
other leading stocks of the continent, carry them back to a period 
of wars with giants and demons, and monsters of the sea, the 
land and the air, and are fraught with strange and grotesque 
fancies of wizards and enchanters. But history, guiding the pen 
of the French Jesuit, describes tliem as pouring in their canoes 
through the myriad streams that interlace in western New York, 
and debouching now on the gulf of the St. Lawrence, now on the 
Chesapeake — glancing again over the waters of Michigan, and 
now again plying their paddles in the waters of the turbid Mis- 
sissippi. Wherever they went they carried proofs of their en- 
ergy, courage and enterprise. At one period we hear the sound 
of their war cry along the Straits of the St. Marys', and at the 
foot of Lake Superior. At another, under the walls of Quebec, 
where they finally defeated the flurons under the eyes of the 
French. They put out the fires of the Gahkwas and Eries. 
They eradicated the Susquehannocks. They placed the Lenapes, 
the Nanticokes and the Munseys under the yoke of subjection. 
They put the Metoacs and the Manhattons under tribute. They 
spread the terror of their arms over all New England. They 
traversed the whole length of the Appalachian chain, and de- 
scended like the enraged yagisho and the megalonyx on the 
Cherokees and the Catawbas. Smith encountered their warriors 
in the settlement of \^irginia, and La Salle on the discovery of 
the Illinois. Nations trembled when they heard the name of 
Nkonoshioni. They possessed a physical structure and the\- 
lived in a climate which imparted energy to their motions. They 
used a sonorous and commanding language which had its dual 
number and its neuter, masculine and feminine genders. They 
were excellent natural orators, and expert diplomatists. They 
began early to cherish a national pride which grew wnth their 
conquests. They had, like the Algonquins, in the organization 
of the several clans or families which composed each tribe, a 
curious heraldic tie founded on original relationship, which ex- 
ercised a strong influence but which has never been satisfactorily 
explained. They were governed In' hereditary chieftaincies 
like others of the aboriginal stocks, but contrary to the usage of 


these other stocks the claims of their chiefs were subjected to the 
decision of a national council. The aristocratic and democratic 
principles were thus brought into requisition in candidates for 
office. But in all that constituted national action they were a 
pure republic. So far was this carried that it is believed the veto 
of any one chief to a public measure was sufficient to arrest its 
adoption by the council. 

Iroquois tradition opens with the notion that there were 
originally two worlds or regions of space, namely, an upper and 
lower world. The upper was inhabited by beings similar to the 
human race ; the lower by monsters moving in the waters. When 
the human species were transferred below, and the lower sphere 
was about to be rendered fit for their residence, the act of their 
transferrence or reproduction is concentrated in the idea of a 
female, who began to descend into the lower world, which is de- 
picted as a region of darkness, waters and monsters. She was 
received on the back of a tortoise where she gave birth to male 
twins and expired. The shell of this tortoise expanded into the 
continent, which in their phraseology is called an island, and is 
named Aoneo. One of the infants was called Inigorio, or the 
good mind ; the other Onigohatea, or the bad mind. These two 
antagonistic principles were at perpetual variance, it being the 
law of one to counteract whatever the other one did. They were 
not, however, men but gods, or existences through whom the 
Great Spirit, or Holder of the Heavens, carried out his purposes. 
The first labor of Inigorio was to create the sun out of the head 
of his dead mother, and the moon and the stars out of the other 
parts of her body. The light these gave drove the monsters 
into the deep water to hide themselves. He then prepared the 
surface of the continent, and fitted it for human habitation, by 
diversifying it with creeks, rivers, lakes and plains, and by fill- 
ing these with the various species of the animal and vegetable 
kingdoms. He then formed a man and woman out of the earth, 
pve them life, and called them Ea-gwe-ho-we, or, as it is more 
S^erally known, Ong-we Hon- we ; that is to say, a real people. 

Meanwhile the Bad Mind created mountains, waterfalls and 
steeps and morasses, reptiles, serpents, apes and other objects sup- 
posed to be injurious to or in mockery of mankind. He made 
^^tempts also to conceal land animals in the ground, so as to de- 
prive man of the means of subsistence. This continued opposi- 


tion to the wishes of the Good Mind, who was perpetually busied 
in restoring the effects of the displacements and wicked devices 
of the other, at lengtli led to a personal combat, of which the time 
and instruments of the battle were agreed on. They fought for 
two days, the one using deer^s horns, and the other flag roots as 
arms. Inigorio, who had chosen horns, finally prevailed; 
his antagonist sunk down to a region of darkness and became the 
Evil Spirit, or Kluneolux, of the world of despair. Inigorio 
having obtained this triumph retired from the earth. 



Vbom OOKXJWXMm cat VWiOW* X>. B. BRUNNER, Rkadino. Pa. 


FvoM CciLKiiON or PROK. D. H. nKI7NNliR. RKAniNr.. Pa. 



The Andastcs Indians, By Dr, George C. IVood, of Mnncy, 

AT THE time the Province of Pensylvania was granted to 
William Penn for his colony, he found it occupied by the 
great Lenni-Lenape tribe and its sub-tribes. Conckiding 
that they owned the land, he made treaties with them for its pur- 
chase. Subsequently he discovered that they were merely ten- 
ants, as it were, and not the rightful or lawful owners. It seems 
that at a period in the last century, thelroquoishavingtheir homes 
in what is now the State of New York, made war upon the Lenni- 
Lenapes living southward of them, and succeeded, after a des- 
perate struggle, in making a complete conquest. Peace being 
established, the Iroquois permitted the Lenni-Lenapes to occupy 
their old country as before as long as they continued to act prop- 
erly, but they claimed their territory by right of conquest. One 
provision existed, however, in the position of the Lenni-Lenapes 
toward their conquerors afterwards, that whilst it must have been 
irksome to the conquered reflects credit on the Iroquois. It 
was the submission of the Lenni-Lenape tribes to resident gover- 
nors, appointed by the Grand Council of the Iroc[uois. Shikel- 
limy, the chief resident at Shamokin, was one of such deputies, 
and the most distinguished. 

Happily for the Penn treaties the Iroquois were strong 
friends of the Enghsh, and for tliis reason they allowed the 
treaties to stand and the whites to occupy the purchased lands. 
Had they repudiated the purchases, as they had a right to do, 
Penn would have been compelled to purchase them over again 
from the rightful owners, especially if he desired to continue his 
policy of peace. 

Tradition tells us that some time during the century pre- 
vious to the English settling in North America, a great tribe of 
Indians, called the Andastes, occupied the country on the Sus- 


quehanna and Allegheny rivers. The Andastes tribe belonged 
to the Algonquin family, as also did the Lenni-Lenapes, or Dela- 
wares. While the Andastes inhabited the region of countrj' 
now called Western Pennsylvania, and also its central portion 
along the Susquehanna river, the Delawares inhabited New Jer- 
sey and also that part of Eastern l^ennsylvania along the banks 
of the Delaware river. 

The Andastes at the period spoken of were the bitter en- 
emies of the Iroquois. They were spirited, active and brave, 
the opi^osite in this respect of their lowland neighbors, the Lenni- 
Lenapes. The hatred existing between them and the Iroquois 
was such that their continual w^ar was one of extermination, 
and as such it was carried on till only a little remnant remained 
of the Andastes, which fled from their homes and settled near 
the mouth of the Susquehanna river. They were known by the 
name of Susquehannocks afterwards, and subsequently Cones- 
toga Indians. The few^ left in the 17th century w-ere chris- 
tianized by the Moravians and the Quakers, and on the night 
of December 14th, 1763, were cruelly murdered in cold blood by 
the Paxton Boys while taking refuge in the old jail at Lancas- 
ter from their fury. Thus perished the last of the Andastes. 
The manner of their taking off was one of the most atrocious 
events in the history of those bloody times, and equals, if not 
excels, any deed ever committed by the Indians. * * * * 

The country of the A\'est Branch of the Susquehanna was • 
then in the i6th century occuj^ed by the Andastes, and on their 
extermination w^as occupied by the Lenni-Lenapes, Shawanese 
and Tuscaroras, by the permission of the Iroquois, the latter own- 
ing the land by right of conquest. 

By Dr. IV. H. E^^Ic, Sfafc Librarian of Pennsylvania, 

When the English first explored the lower Susquehanna 
they found it inhabited by a race which they called the Susque- 
hannocks. The Dutch, as early as 161 5, and the Swedes when 
tliey settled in 1638. came in contact with these Susquehannocks 
and called them Mincjuas. The line between the Minquas and 
Delawares seems to have been along the dividing waters be- 
tween the two rivers, though in wars the Minquas drove the Dela- 
wares entirely over into Xew Jersey. The Minquas were a 


ruling tribe on the Delaware as the Mohawks were on the Hud- 
son. From 1640 the Five Nations of New York began to be 
liberally supplied with fire arms, and they soon devastated the 
tribes similar to the Minquas on the upper branches of the Sus- 
quehanna. Having disposed of these and opened the way, in 
1662 they commenced upon the lower Minquas, or Susquehan- 

Before this, in 1652, the Susquehannocks had sold to Mary- 
land their possession and conquest rights on both sides of the 
Chesapeake Bay from the Choptawk and Pautuxant rivers to 
the head of the bay. In 1663 the Marylanders assisted the Min- 
quas with cannon and men in their fort, and defeated an army 
of eight hundred Senecas and Cayugas. The war was, how- 
ever, kept up, and finally, after many reverses and successes, 
in 1675, forsaken by the English who had superceded the Dutch 
on the Delaware, and by the Marylanders, and reduced by dis- 
ease the Minquas were conquered, many of them carried off to 
New York and the balance fled to the Potomac at Piscataway. 
From this place they were afterward allowed to return to their 
old country and establish themselves as a tributary outpost of the 
Five Nations on the Onestego creek, and there subsequently 
they were known as Conestogas. In this way the New York 
tribes obtained their conquest rights to the lands on the Sus- 
quehanna and southward to the Potomac, which were recog- 
nized by the several purchase treaties made with them by Wil- 
liam Penn and his heirs. Governor Dongan, of New York, first 
purchased these Pennsylvania-Susquehanna conquest rights from 
the Five Nations w^ith a view of holding those parts, at least above 
the Conawago Falls, as part of New York, and preventing Penn 
from obtaining the full limits of his charter. When this failed 
he sold and transferred these deeded rights to Penn in 1696. 
In 1699 Penn again purchased from the remaining Conestogas 
all their rights and the rights of their ancestors, and, as he aptly 
expresses it, the rights that their ancestors have, could, might 
or ought to have had, held or enjoyed in these lands. In 1701 
this purchase was again confirmed in the presence of an Onon- 
daga deputy, and a promise made then that they should have a 
reservation, which was in fact afterwards surveyed to them in 
1718. Here the dwindling remnant remained until the mas- 
sacre in 1763. 


Prior to this their young men gravitated to the New York 
cantons, mostly among" the Oneidas, as this course aflforded the 
only opening for martial renown — for an Indian is nothing if 
not a warrior. Among these descendants of the ancient Susque- 
hannocks who attended the Lancaster treaty in 1744 was Shikel- 
limy — more properly Shickenany — who hesitated about sigjning 
the deed to Maryland, which Marshe blamed on the Pennsyl- 
vanians. When the Conestoga Manor was surveyed in 1718, 
they run a line round them that none might come near them, 
and though at that time the Indians had expressed a willingness 
to retire from Conestoga, yet the Government here persuaded 
them to continue near us, and they appeared very well pleased 
with the inclosing by surveys the lands where they are seated. 

The Dutch, Swedes and English made purchases from the 
Delawares on the west bank of their river. The western limits 
were not given, or were vaguely defined. There are some repre- 
sentations of such purchases extending to the Susquehanna; but 
the Delawares had no rights to lands on that river, and prob- 
ably never made such sales. Penn thought he had extinguished 
the Indian title to the Susquehanna lands through his purchase 
from Dongan, and in satisfying the resident Conestogas; and 
there can be no doubt that the New York Indians were satisfied 
and for many years made no claims. But the older ones died, 
and the younger ones at length set up a claim that they had not 
been paid for their conquest lands on the Susquehanna. In the 
meantime many settlers had moved upon these lands. The 
Cayugas were the most persistent and annoying in pressing their 
claims. At length on October nth, 1736, these lands, as far 
west as the Bkic Mountain range, and eastward to the head 
springs flowing into the Susquehanna, ivcre again purchased at 
a treaty in Philadelphia. After this treaty adjourned and some 
of the delegates had gone home, an after thought came to the 
proprietary party. As the Six Nations seemed to be setting up 
unexpected claims of conquest rights, it was thought it would be 
a good plan \n get a release from them to all the lands eastward as 
far as the Delaware. This was a most transparent falsehood. 
Not until white means black can eastward limits on the head 
of streams running into the Susquehanna be defined as intended 
to extend to the Delaware. There is not a particle of evidence that 
the Six Nations, prior to this, claimed the right to sell the lands 


of the Delawares. It is true the Delawares were a conquered 
tributory people, but this in Indian poUtics did not mean always 
a right to alienate the soil. 

Land selling was indeed an European innovation, the full 
meaning of which the Indians were slow to realize. As long as 
they sold and still occupied nearly all of it the sale meant little; 
when it meant dispossession then trouble ensued. Occupancy 
was the only soil right that the Indian knew before the presents 
at treaties gave them the land-selling itch. This supplementary- 
explanatory deed dated October 25th, 1736, fourteen days after 
the other, was not for sale of land that they claimed, but was 
given at the request of the white men to cover or prevent any 
claims the Six Nations might set up to the lands already pur- 
chased of the Delawares. It was also used, and perhaps de- 
signed to be used, in 1742, to induce the Six Nations to inter- 
fere and force the Delawares to leave some of these lands as 
comprised in the walking purchase. Canasatego's speech, in 
ordering the Delawares to leave these lands, is famous in history 
and aroused the dormant resentment of the Delawares. ^' * * 
* It was during the pending of these troubles that tlie treaty 
was held at Lancaster, in 1744, about lands in Maryland and 
Virginia, when not a Delaware was allowed to be present. 

It is a remarkable fact which has hitherto l^ecn unnoticed, 
that in the great wars of the western cantons of the Five Nations 
against the Susquehannocks, which were waged cliiefly about 
1666 and 1675, the Mohawks took no part, nor did there a single 
Mohawk appear at the treaty in Philadelphia in 1686 when the 
sale of these conquest rights was made to the Pcnns. Xor did 
there appear a single ^lohawk at Lancaster when the claims of 
similar rights were to be disposed of to Maryland, and other 
claims to lands in Virginia. They had nothing to do in con- 
quering the Minquas and they would have nothing to say in sell- 
ing their lands. The explanation of this is no doubt to be f^und 
in the sjjecial examination of Governor Andras, who in 1675 ^^^^^ 
endeavor to be rightly informed of things relating to that war, 
and found that the Susquehannocks were reputed by the Maquas 
(Mohawks) as their offspring. There can be no doubt that tlie 
Susquehanna Minquas were an old diverging branch of the Mo- 
hawks, and there was an old friendship which forbade them to 
war against their kindred, and yet the laws of the Five Nations' 


confederacy forbade also any assistance. The absent nation for 
whom Conrad Weiser was authorized by the allies to sign his 
name at the Lancaster treaty was the Mohawks, into which 
Weiser had been adopted. 

As early as 1736, at the treaty, the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania was earnestly pressed that he w^ould write to the Gover- 
nors of Maryland and Virginia, to make them (the Western 
New York Indians) satisfaction for their lands in those States. 
They say all the lands on the Susquehanna and at Chenandiah 
were theirs and they must be satisfied for them. In reply it was 
remarked to them that the lands on Susquehanna, we believe, 
belong to the Six Nations by the conquest of the Indians on that 
river, but how their pretensions are to be made good to the lands 
to the southward we know not. 

At the treaty on July 7th, 1742, Canasatego again intro- 
duced their claims to lands in Maryland, desiring to know what 
had been done in the matter, saying, ** You will inform the 
person whose people are seated on our lands that that country 
belongs to us in right of conquest — we have bought it with our 
blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair war; we expect 
such consideration as the land is worth ; press him to send us a 
positive answer; let him say yes or no; if he says yes, we will 
treat with him; if no, we are able to do ourselves justice, and 
we will do it by going to take payment on ourselves." 

These alarming words caused a special messenger to be 
sent to Maryland, and measures were taken for the treaty, 
which came ofT at Lancaster in 1744. Though nothing was 
said in 1742 aI)out Virginia, yet the demand in 1736 and the 
prosi)ect of a war with France, induced the King and his 
Virginia colony to treat with these Indians at the same time 
and place. Conrad Weiser was sent to Onondaga to make 
the arrangements. There was a shrewd purpose in the back- 
ground to use the occasion to prevent them from espous- 
ing the cause of France, and the Pennsylvania Colonial 
Records show how nicely it was managed — Pennsylvania 
having in 1737 met the demands of these Indians as to their 
claim on the lands in that province below the mountains, 
was in a position to act as a go-between and secure their friend- 
ship to Maryland and Virginia, and all three w^ere aHke inter- 
ested in view of the coming troubles with France, and her Cana- 


dian Provinces. At the treaty the Marylanders denied their 
right to land in that province, and pointed to their deed of pur- 
chase from the Susquehannocks in 1652 as covering all or nearly 
all their lands. The reply was very well put ** We acknowl- 
edge the deed to be good and valid, and that the Conestoga or 
Susquehanna Indians had a right to sell those lands unto you, for 
they were then theirs; but since that time we have conquered 
them, and their country now belongs to us, and the lands we 
demanded satisfaction for are no part of the lands comprised 
in those deeds — they are the Cohogononta's (Potomac) 
lands." This is one of the proofs that the territory of the an- 
cient Susquehannocks extended to the Potomac, probably from 
the falls up to Harper's- Ferry. The old Maryland purchase 
was not defined in its western limits, and certainly did not in- 
clude a part of Maryland north of the head of the bay. Just 
prior to their subjugation by the New York Indians the Sus- 
quehannocks had somehow got into a war with their old friends 
in Maryland and suffered greatly. * * * * At the treaty 
the eastern bounds were not defined. They wanted pay and 
having got it they cared nothing further about the grounds of 
their claim nor how it was divided between Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania. The claim for pay for Virginia was not founded on 
the conquest of the Susquehannas, but upon other tribes. 

The Virginians claimed that they had long held peaceable 
possession and that they found those lands uninhabited and free 
to be entered upon by their King. They said : " Tell us what 
Nations you conquered any lands from in Virginia ; how long it is 
since, and what possession you have had.'' The answer was: 
" We have the right of conquest — a right too dearly purcliased 
and which cost us too much blood to be given up without any rea- 
son at all. * * * * ,\ii tj^e world knows we conquered tlie 
several nations living on the Susquehanna, Cohongoronto, and on 
the back of the great mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch- 
such-roonan, the Coch-nan-was-roonan, the Tokoa-irough-roon- 
an and the Connut-skirr-ough-roonan feel the effects of our con- 
quest being now a part of our nations and their lands at our dis- 
posal. They said it was not true that the King of England had 
conquered the Indians that lived there. We will allow that they 
have conquered the Sachdagugh-roonan (Powhatans) and drove 
back the Tuscarrorras and that they have on that account a 


right to some part of Virginia; but as to what lies beyond the 

mountain we conquered the nations residing there, and that land, 

if ever the Virginians get a good right to it, it must be by us." * 
* * * 

Pennsylvania never called in question these conquest rights. 
Had they done so at the several treaties for Susquehanna lands, 
the Indians would then doubtless have given us some interest- 
ing facts as to those conquests which are now forever lost. 

Zinzendorfs Observations of the Indians, 

" The savages in Canada are thought to be partly mixed 
Scythians and partly Jews of the ten lost tribes, which through 
the great Tartarian wilderness wandered hither by way of hunt- 
ing, and so they came farther and farther into the country. The 
reason why they make this conjecture is: i. Because they are 
not black as they of Florida, Mexico, &c., but they are white, 
and have only that yellow color prophesied in Deuteronomy 
(Deut. 28, 22.) 2. They have Jewish customs. 3. They call 
their enemies and strangers Assaroni, for a remembrance of the 
Assyrians, by whom their fathers were turned out. 4. Achsa, 
Onas, and innumerable other words are pure Hebrew, or at least 
so far as the English, Swedish, Dutch, Norway and Danish 
tongue are German. 5. Notwithstanding they have many 
wives their families are yet so small that the Five Nations are 
altogether hardly so many as there are sometimes in a large vil- 
lage in our country; which agreeth a great deal better with 
Deuteronomy than with the nature of the barbarous nations who 
commonly multiply themselves in many thousands far beyond 
the Europeans. 

" *But they have been foretold so.' (Deut. 28, 62.) There- 
fore, one believes that some one hundred years ago five or six 
men or women lost themselves hither, each of whom by and by 
became a nation, who, because of the curse resting on them, con- 
sumed themselves so that none of them surpassed the number of 
two thousand persons, yea, some of them are a few hundred. 
And these nations are five. The French call them Irokois, but 
they call themselves Aquanuskion, or the Covenant people. 

'' A. I. The Maquas, whose language is the nearest to the 
Hebrew, is the chiefest of their nations according to dignity; yet 


in Reuben's way, that is, despised because of their levity and 
paid off with the title. Yet their language goes throughout. 

** 2. The Onondagos are the chief nation in reality — the 
Judah amongst their brethren. 

" 3. The Senecas are the most in number. 

" These three nations are called the fathers. Many of the 
first are English Presbyterian. The second sort remains hea- 
thens, and reason in a philosophical manner of the nature of the 
gods with Cicero. The last are superstitious Cross and Rose- 
cranz bearers. (The Christianizing of the Iroquois became the 
object of the Jesuits in Canada in 1642. The Dutch who colon- 
iz^ those parts did not give the subject much consideration.) 

" 4. The Oneidas, and 5, Cayugas are their children. They 
must respect them, and have also children's right. 

" B. The Gibeonites, or water bearers, are people gathered 
on the rivers, as the Gypsies, and a good part of them are Euro- 
peans. I. Canistokas. 2. Mahikans, of whom our congrega- 
tion consists (vide I. Cor.,chap. i). 3. Hurons, or Delaware 
Indians. These must call the other Uncles and are called 

" C. The Floridians are confederates, and the Tuscaroras 
are called Brothers. 

" D. The captives are well kept and become in time Cousins. 

" Concerning the enemies, it comes in my mind whether they 
(except the Europeans) are not Scythians, Idumeans, Arabians, 
Gypsies, &c., with whom they continually quarrel, and cannot 
bear them amongst them." 



IN 1683 ^I- DeLabarre, the Governor General of Canada, 
marched with an army against the Indian cantons. He 

landed near Oswego, but finding himself incompetent to 
meet the enemy, he instituted a negotiation and demanded a 
conference. On this occasion Garangula, an Onondaga chief, 
attended in behalf of his country, and made the reply here given. 
The French retired from the country in disgrace. 

Monsieur DeLabarre said : *' The King, my master, being 
informed that the Five Nations had often infringed the peace, 
has ordered me to come hither with a guard, and to send Ohg^esse 
to the Onondagas to bring the chief sachems to my camp. The 
intention of the great King is, that you and I may smoke the 
calumet of peace together ; but on this condition, that you prom- 
ise me, in the name of the Senecas. Cayugas, Onondagas and 
Mohawks, to give entire satisfaction and reparation to his sub- 
jects, and for the future never to molest them. 

" The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks 
have robbed and abused all the traders that were passing to the 
Illinois, and Miamies, and other Indian nations, the children of 
my King; they have acted on these occasions contrary to the 
treaty of peace with my predecessor. I am ordered, therefore, 
to demand satisfaction: and to tell them that in case of refusal 
or their plundering us any more, that I have express orders to 
declare war. This l)elt confirms my words. The warriors of 
the Five Nations have conducted the Rnglish into the lakes which 
belong to the King, my master, and brought the English among 
the nations that are his children to destroy the trade of his sub- 
jects and to withdraw these nations from him. They have car- 
ried the English thither notwithstanding the prohibition of the 
late Governor of New York who forsaw the risk that both they 
and you would run. I am willing to forget those things: but if 
ever the like should happen for the future I have express orders 


to declare war against you. This belt confirms my words. Your 
warriors have made several barbarous incursions on the Illinois 
and the Miamies. They have massacred men, women and chil- 
dren: they have made many of these nations prisoners, who 
thought themselves safe in their villages in time of peace. These 
people, who are my King's children, must not be your slaves ; you 
must give them liberty, and send them back into their own coun- 
try. If the Five Nations shall refuse to do this, I have express 
orders to declare war against them. This belt confirms my 
words. This is what I have to say to Garangula, that he may 
carry to the Senecas, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas and Mo- 
hawks the declaration which the King, my master, has com- 
manded me to make. He doth not wish them to force him to 
send a g^eat army to Cadarackui Fort to begin a war which must 
be fatal to them. He would be sorry that this fort, that was 
the work of peace, should become the prison of your warriors. 
We must endeavor on both sides to prevent such misfortunes. 
The French, who are the brethren and friends of the Five Na- 
tions, will never trouble their repose, provided that the satisfaction 
which I demand be given, and that the treaties of peace be here- 
after observed. I shall be extremely grieved if my words do not 
produce the eflfect which I expect from them: for then I shall be 
obliged to join with the Governor of New York, who is com- 
manded by his master to assist me, and burn the castles of the 
Five Nations, and destroy you. This belt confirms my words." 

Garangula, after walking five or six times round the circle, 
answered the French Governor, who sat in an elbow chair, in the 
following strain : 

** Yonnondio, I honor you, and the warriors that are with 
nie likewise honor you. Your interpreter has finished your 
speech. I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your 
ears: hearken to them. 

" Yonnondio, you must have believed when you left Que- 
'>ec that the sun had burnt up all the forests which render our 
cotmtry inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far 
ove^flo^^Tl the banks that they had surrounded our castles and 
^l^at it was impossible for us to get out of them. Yes, Yonnon- 
dio. surely you must have dreamt so : and the curiosity of see- 
^^g so great a wonder has brought you so far. Now you are 
^^deceived, since that I and the warriors here present are come to 


assure you that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and 
Muhawks are yet aHve. 1 thank you in their name for bringing 
back into their country the calumet which your predecessor re- 
ceived from their hands, it was happy for you that you left under 
ground that murdering hatchet which has been so often dyed in 
the blood of the French. Hear, Yonnondio, 1 do not sleep; I 
have my eyes open, and the sun which enlightens me, discovers 
to me a great cai)tain at the head of a company of soldiers who 
speaks as if he were dreaming. He says that he only came to 
the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas, but 
Garangula says that he sees the contrary; that it was to knock 
them on the head if sickness had not weakened the arms of the 

'' I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives 
the Great Spirit has saved by inflicting this sickness on them. 
Hear! Yonnondio, our women had taken their clubs, our chil- 
dren and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the 
heart of your camp if our warriors had not disarmed them and 
kept them back, when your messenger, Ohguesse, came to our 
castles. It is done, and I have said it! Hear! Yonnondio, we 
plundered none of the French but those that carried gims, pow- 
der and ball to the Twighties and the Chictaghicks, because those 
arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow^ the ex- 
ample of the Jesuits, who stove all the kegs of rum brought to 
our castles, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the 
head. Our warriors have not beaver enough to pay for all these 
arms that they have taken; and our old men are not afraid of 
war. This belt preserves my words. We carried the English 
into our lakes to trade there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, 
as the Adirondacks brought the French to our castles to carry on 
a trade which the English say is theirs. We are born free. We 
neither depend on Yonn<)n(lio nor Corlcar. We may go where 
we please and carry with us whom we please. If your allies 
be ycnu* slaves, use them as such. Command them to receive 
no other than your people. This belt preserves my words. 

" We knocked the Twighties and Chictaghicks on the head 
because they had cut down the trees of peace which were the 
limits of our country. They had hunted beaver on our land. 
They had acted contrary to the custom of all Indians; for they 
left none of the beavers alive: thev killed lx)th male and female. 


They brought the Satanas into the country to take part with 
them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have 
done less than either the English or the French, that have usurped 
the lands of so many Indian nations and chased them from their 
own country. This belt preserves my words. 

" Hear ! Yonnondio, what I say is the voice of all the Five 
Nations ; hear what they answer ! Open your ears to what they 
speak! The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oncidas and the 
Mohawks say, that when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui 
in the presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort, 
they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there care- 
fully preserved; that in place of a retreat for soldiers that fort 
might be a rendezvous for merchants ; that in place of arms and 
ammunition of w^ar, beavers and merchandise should only enter 

" Hear ! Yonnondio, take care of the future, that so great 
a number of soldiers as appear here do not choke the tree of peace 
planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss if after it had 
so easily taken root you should stop its growth and prevent its 
covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, 
in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriors shall dance 
to the calumet of peace under its leaves, and shall remain quiet 
on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet till their brother 
Yonnondio, or Corlear, shall, either jointly or separately en- 
deavor to attack the country which the Great Spirit has given to 
our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this other the 
authority w^hich the Five Nations have given me." Then Ga- 
rangula, addressing himself to Monsieur Le Main, said : ** Take 
courage, Ohguesse, you have spirit, speak — explain my words; 
forget nothing; tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yon- 
nondio, your Governor, by the mouth of Garungula, who loves 
you and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take 
part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present 
of beaver is sent to Yonnondio on the part of the Five Nations.'' 

The Six Nations of the Iroquois are admirable warriors in 
their way, faithful as friends but implacable as foes ; and yet even 
in the latter relation they act honr)rably. If, for instance, the am- 
bassador of a hostile tribe which has violated national law, ap- 
pear before the Great Council at Onondaga he pays the penalty 
of his presumption by suffering summary death. If, however. 


he first apply to the Senecas, who control all matters of war, they 
either furnish him with an escort to the capitol, or else repri- 
mand him as follows : " Your people have been guilty of an un- 
pardonable offence in murdering our ambassador. We could 
retaliate by taking your life, but this would be base. Begone, 
therefore, to your country. There we will meet you and chas- 
tise you." 

These Indians perpetuate the memory of their heroes in 
heroic poems which are so accurately handed down orally that 
it is impossible for anyone to lx)ast of feats which he has not per- 
formed. The Black Prince of Onondaga is a terrible savage. 
On one occasion he broke into the stockaded castle of the enemy, 
scalped the inhabitants and escaped unhurt. While on a visit 
to Col. Nichols, one of the Colonel's servants poured water on 
him. With a thrust of his knife the enraged Indian stabbed the 
man in the stomach so that he fell dead at his feet. Straight- 
way he informed Nichols of what had occurred. ** This act/' 
said the later, " would be regarded a capital offence in Europe." 
**With us,*' retorted the Prince, "trifling with a warrior is regarded 
a capital offence, and hence I slew your man. If death is de- 
creed me, here I am ; do with me according to your laws." The 
affair went no farther. 

Dr. Franklin's Story of Canasatcgo, 

Conrad Weiser, in going through the Indian country to 
carry a message from our Governor to the Council at Onondaga, 
called at the habitation of Canasatego, an old acquaintance, who 
embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him 
boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for 
his drink. When he was well refreshed and had lit his pipe. 
Canasatego began to converse with him ; asked him how he had 
fared the many years since they had seen each other ; whence he 
then came; what occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered 
all his questions, and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian 
to continue it said, *' Conrad, you have lived long among the 
white people, and know something of their customs: I have been 
sometimes at Albany and have observed that once in seven days 
they shut up their shops and assemble in the great house; tell me 
what that is for? What do they do there?" "They meet 


there/' says Conrad, *' to hear and learn good things." " I do 
not doubt," says the Indian, " that they tell you so; for they have 
told me the same; but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I 
will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my 
skins and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I 
used generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little in- 
clined this time to try some other merchants. How^ever, I called 
first upon Hans and asked him what he would give for beaver. 
He said he could not give me mo re than four shillings a pound ;*but,' 
says he, *I cannot talk on business now ; this is the day when we 
meet together to learn good things and I am going to the meet- 
ing.' So I thought to myself since I cannot do any business to- 
day I may as well go to the meeting too, and I went with him. 
There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people 
very angrily; I did not understand what he said, but perceiving 
that he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined that he 
was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the 
house, struck fire and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should 
break up. I thought, too, that the man had mentioned something 
of beaver, and suspected it might be the subject of their meeting. 
So when they had come out I accosted my merchant. ' Well, 
Hans.' says I, * I hope you have agreed to give more than four 
shillings a pound.' *No,'.says he, 'I cannot give so much. I can- 
not give more than three shillings sixpence.' I then s|X)ke to 
several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, ' Three 
and sixpence! Three and sixpence.' This made it clear to 
me that my suspicion was right; and whatever they pretended 
of meeting to learn good things the purpose was to consult how to 
cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Con- 
rad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to 
learn good things, they would certainly have learned some l)efore 
this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. 
If a white man in traveling through our country enters one of 
our cabins, we all treat him as T do you : we dry him if he is wet ; 
we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink that he 
may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for Iiini 
to rest and sleep on; we demand nothing in return. ]>ut if I go 
into a white man's house in Albany and ask for victuals and 
drink, they say, * Get out, you Indian dog.' You see they have 
not yet learned those little good things that we need no meetings 


to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us'when 
we were children ; and therefore it is impossible their, meetings 
should be as they say for any such purpose, or have any such 
effect; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the 
price of beaver/' 

Benjamin franklin Describes Indian Drmikenness. 

** Being commissioned, we went to Carlisle to attend the 
Council with the Indians. As those people are extremely apt to 
get drunk, and when so are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we 
strictly forbade the selling of any liquor to them; and when they 
complained of this restriction, we told them that if they would 
continue sober during the treaty we would give them plenty of 
rum when the business was over. They promised this and they 
kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the 
treaty was conducted very orderly and concluded to mutual satis- 
faction. Then they claimed and received the rum; this was in 
the afternoon ; they were near one hundred men, women and chil- 
dren, and were lodged in temporary cabins built in the form of 
a square just without the town. In the evening hearing a great 
noise among them, the commissioners walked out to see what 
was the matter. We found that they had made a great bonfire 
in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women, 
quarrelling and fighting. Their dark colored bodies, half naked, 
seen only by the gloomy lightof the bonfire, runningafterand beat- 
ing one another with fire brands, accompanied by their horrid 
yellings, formed a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell 
that well could be imagined ; there was no appeasing the tumult, 
and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a number of them 
came thundering at our door demanding more nun, of which 
we took no notice. 

'' Tlie next day, sensible that they had misbehaved in giving 
us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counsellors to 
make their apology. The orator acknowledged the fault but laid 
it upon the rum ; and tlien endeavored to excuse the rum by say- 
ing, * The Great Spirit who made all things made every thing 
for some use, and whatever use he designed any. thing for, that 
use it should always be put to. Now, when he made rum he 
said, Xet this be for the Indian to get drunk with, and it must be 


so/ And indeed if it be the design of Providence to extirpate 
these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, 
it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. 
It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited 
the sea coast. 

•*0f the manner in which they have acquired the vice of 
drunkenness there can be no doubt. They charge us in the most 
positive manner with being the first who made them acquainted 
with ardent spirits, and with having exerted all the means in 
our power to induce them to drink to excess. The processes of 
fermentation and distillation are entirely unknown to the Indians, 
and they have no intoxicating liquors but what they have re- 
ceived from us. The Mexicans have their pulque and other 
indiginous beverages of an inebriating nature, but the North 
Americans before their intercourse commenced had absolutely 
nothing of the kind. The smoke of the American weed tobacco 
was the only means that they at that time had in use to produce 
a temporary exhilaration of spirits. 

*' The dreadful war in 1774 between the Shawanese, some 
of the Mingoes, and the people of Virginia, in which so many 
lives were lost, was brought on by the consequences of drunk- 
enness. It produced murders which w^ere followed by private 
revenge, and ended in a most cruel and destructive war. 

" The general prevalence of this vice is in a great degree 
owing to unprincipled white traders who persuade them to be- 
come intoxicated that they may cheat them the more easily and 
obtain their lands or peltry for a mere trifle. 

" The effects which intoxication produce upon the Indians 
are dreadful. It has been the cause of an infinite number of 
murders among them, beside biting off of noses and otherwise 
disfiguring each other. Many have died of colds which they 
caught by lying on the cold ground and remaining exposed to 
the elements when drunk. Others have lingered out their lives 
in excruciating rheumatism, and in wasting consumption. Re- 
flecting Indians have keenly remarked, * It is strange that a 
people who profess themselves believers in a religion revealed 
to them by the Great Spirit himself: who say that they have in 
their houses the Word of God and his laws and his command- 
ments textually written, could think of making a beson calculated 
to bewitch people and make them destroy one another.' One 
said, * Can you, my friend, tell me what is in the beson that con- 


fuses one so, and transforms things in that manner? Is it an 
invisible spirit? It must Ije something aHve; or have the white 
Ijeople sorcerers among them who put something in the liquor to 
deceive those who drink it ? Do the wliite people drink of the 
same liquor they give the Indian? Do they also, when drunk, 
kill people and bite noses off as do the Indians? Who taught 
the white people to make so pernicious a beson?' 

** I believe the cause of the Indians being so fond of liquor 
is to be found in their living almost entirely upon fresh meats and 
green vegetables, such as corn, pumpkins, squashes potatoes, cu- 
cumbers, melons, beans, &c., which causes a longing in their 
stomach for some seasoning, particularly w-hen they have been 
a long time without salt. They are on those occasions equally 
eager for any acid substances; vinegar, if they can get it, they 
will drink in considerable quantities, and think nothing of going 
thirty or forty miles for it; cranberries, whether in season or not. 
They also gather crab-apples, wild grapes and other acid and even 
bitter fruits as substitutes for salt, and in the Spring they will 
peel such trees as have a sourish sap which they lick with great 

In this connection we will refer to the w^ork for the Indians 
to-day at the school in Carlisle, under the charge of Major R. 
IT. Pratt, whose principle is expressed in these words, " To civ- 
ilize the Indian get him into civilization; to keep him so, let him 

Major Pratt says of the Outing System adopted by that 
school : ** The foregoing principles established beyond a per- 
adventure by our eighteen years' experience have led me to urge 
and extend, s(.> far as T have been allowed, the Carlisle Outing 
System, which I continue to regard as the best iXDSsible means 
of inducting Indian boys and girls into our civilized family and 
national life. Through c<)ntact only will the prejudice of the In- 
dians against the whiles, and the prejudice of the whites against 
the Indians, be broken u]). The practical demonstration that 
the young Indian is as c<^mpetent in the field and shop and in 
household matters as the young Anglo-Saxon, and has the same 
(jualities of head and heart, removes Anglo-Saxon prejudice 
against the Indians, and living in kindly American homes re- 
moves Indian prejudice, jimving to both that neither is as bad as 
the other thought, thus accimiplishing fully and at once for each 
what no amount of long range assertion can effect." 
























THE history of the Indians is largely traditional. The 
main statements having been gathered by the earnest mis- 
sionaries who went among them fearlessly and were re- 
ceive ed by them as friends and teachers. Many discoveries have 
been made, as mounds have been opened, which throw light upon 
the degree of civilization attained by the Indians, but as they have 
preserved no records, they do not give light on the history of the 
people who first dwelt in the wilds of America. The Indians 
inhabiting the vast expanse of country between Virginia and 
Canada say that in the far distant past their fathers dwelt in the 
western wilds of America. Going toward the East, after many 
years, they came to a great river, the Naemosi Sipu, or, river of 
fish. Here they met another tribe of Indians who had also come 
irom a far country, and had approached the river toward its 
head waters. The former were the Lenape and the latter the 
Meng^ve. When they came near the river they found a power- 
ful nation dwelling in large towns upon its banks. These people 
^vere of great size, and defended their towns by regular forti- 
fications built of earth. They refused to permit the strangers 
to settle near them, but gave them permission to pass through 
fteir territories to the country beyond. But when the Lenape 
^vere crossing the river, the Allegewi attacked them and killed 
^ny who had succeeded in crossing. At this the Mengwe, who 
l^ad been spectators until this moment, joined their forces to 
ftose of the Lenape, and for a long time they waged war with 
the Allegewi, and finally drove them away. The Allegewi fled 
^own the river and never returned. Then the Mengwe chose 
*e country toward the north, where the great lakes were, and the 
|;^ape chose the lands toward the south. For many ages they 
hj'ed in harmony and prospered. After a long time the hunters 
^» the Lenape crossed the mountains and discovered the great 
"^'ers, Susquehanna and Delaware. As thev explored the coun- 


try they came to the Hudson, which they called the Mohicannit- 
tuck river. \\'hen they returned to their people and told of the 
abundance of fish, and fruits, and fowls, and that there were no 
people dwelling there, the Lenape concluded that that w^as the 
land destined for them by the Great Spirit. They therefore 
came and settled upon the four rivers, the Hudson, Delaware, 
Susquehanna and Potomac. They made the Delaware the cen- 
ter of their possessions, and gave it the name of Lenape-wihit- 
tuck. These dwelling in this new territory w^ere divided into 
three tribes. One was called the Turtle, or Unamis ; another the 
Turkey, or Unalachtgo, and the other the Wolf, or Minsi. The 
two former inhabited the coast from the Hudson to the Potomac, 
settling in small towns and villages, upon the larger streams, 
under chiefs subordinate to the great council of the nation. The 
Minsi, called Monceys by the English, the most warlike of the 
tribes, went into the interior between their brothers and the 
Mengwe, stretching from the Minisink on the Delaware, where 
they held their councils, to the Hudson on the east, and the Sus- 
quehanna on the south, and from the head waters of the Delaware 
and Susquehanna to the Muskenecum hills in New Jersey and to 
the Lehigh and Coghnewago in Pennsylvania. In the course of 
time the Mengwe and the Lenape l^ecame enemies, and there were 
many deeds of treachery between them. At length the Dela- 
wares, or Lenape, turned on the Mengwe, determined to exter- 
minate them. This caused the Mengwe to unite all their tribes 
in a great confederacy. Thannawage, a Mohawk, was the father 
of the republic which was thus formed. The confederacy was 
composed of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagoes, Cayugas and 
Senecas. Afterward there was added a sixth, the Tuscaroras. 
The Lenape were checked, but the Iroquois, as the six nations 
were called, found a new enemy in the French, who w-ere at- 
tempting the settlement of Canada. They thought it wise now 
to be reconciled to their Indian fellows, and secured it by a re- 
markable stroke of policy. 

The mediators between the Indian nations at war ar^^ 
women. The men, however, weary of the contest, consider it:::; 
cowardly and disgraceful to seek reconciliation. A warrior must::::: 
maintain a determined courage at all times, and be as ready tc^ 
battle at the end as at the beginning of an engagement. To t'hen^- 
it seemed two faced to speak of peace while holding warlike^ 


weapons in their hands. Hence, when they were desirous of peace, 
the women interfered, and persuaded the men to bury the hatchet. 
They conjured the warriors by their suffering wives, their help- 
less children, their homes and their friends, to interchange for- 
giveness, to cast away their arms, and smoking together the 
pipe of peace and amity, to embrace as friends those whom they 
had learned to esteem as enemies. 

The Mengwe sent to the Lenape the following communica- 
tion : '' It is not profitable that all the nations should be at war 
with each other, for this will at length be the ruin of the whole 
Indian race. We have, therefore, considered a remedy by which 
this evil may be prevented. One nation shall be the woman. 
We will place her in the midst, and the other nations that make 
war shall be the man and live around th^ woman. No one shall 
touch or hurt the woman, and if any one does it we will imme- 
diately say to him: 'Why do you beat the woman?' Then all 
the men shall fall upon him who has beaten her. The woman 
shall not go to war, but shall endeavor to keep the peace with all. 
Therefore, if the men who surround her beat each other, and the 
war be carried on with violence, the woman shall have the right 
of addressing them: *Ye men, what are ye about; why do ye 
beat each other? We are almost afraid. Consider that your 
wives arid children must perish unless ye desist. Do you mean 
to destroy yourselves from the face of the earth?' The men shall 
then hear and obey the woman." 

The Delaware Indians did not see the danger of accepting 
such a proposition, but were captivated by the beautiful results 
that would come to all the Indians. They were moved by the 
humanity of it, and realized that no better selection of a peace- 
maker could be made than of themselves, because there were no 
greater warriors than themselves. No one could charge them 
with cowardice or fear. 

The ceremony of the metamorphosis was performed with 
great rejoicing at Albany in 171 7, in the presence of the Dutch. 
There was a great feast and the orator of the Iroquois made a 
speech in which there were three points. The first being the 
declaration that the Delaware nation was henceforth the woman. 
He said, " We dress you in a woman's long habit reaching down 
to your feet and adorn you with ear rings," meaning that they 
should no more take up arms. The second point was, ** We hang 


a calabash filled with oil and medicines upon your arm. With 
the oil you shall cleanse the ears of the other nations, that they 
may attend to good and not to bad words; and with the medi- 
cines you shall heal those who are walking in foolish ways, that 
they may return to their senses, and incline their hearts to peace." 
The third point by which the Delawares were exhorted to make 
agriculture their future employment and means of subsistence 
was thus worded : " We deliver into your hands a plant of In- 
dian corn and a hoe/' Each of these points was confirmed by 
delivering a belt of wampum, which were carefully laid up and 
their meaning frequently repeated. 

Afterward the Iroquois represented that they had con- 
quered the Delawares and had forced them to pay tribute. Col- 
den says in his account of the Five Nations : ** About the year 
1664, the Five Nations, being amply supplied with fire arms and 
ammunition, gave a full swing to their warlike genius ; they car- 
ried their arms as far south as Carolina, to the northward of 
New England, and as far west as the Mississippi, over a vast 
country, which extended twelve hundred miles in length and 
six hundred in breadth ; where they entirely destroyed whole na- 
tions of whom there are no accounts remaining among the 

With these explanations we are able to understand the con- 
duct of the Indians at the Council in Philadelphia in 1742. 

From these three separate accounts of the Lenape, of the 
Mahicani and of the Mohawks, as related by Mr. Pyrlaeus, it 
appears to be conclusively proved that the Europeans were al- 
ready in this country when the Lenape were persuaded to assume 
the station of woman, and that the Dutch were assisting in the 
plot and were at least the instigators if not the authors of it. 
It was the Dutch who summoned the great council near Albany; 
the tomahawk was buried deep in the ground, and the ven- 
geance of the Dutch was threatened if it should ever be taken 
up again; the peace belt was laid across the shoulders of the 
unfortunate Delawares, supported at one end by the Five Na- 
tions, and at the other by the Europeans. AH these circum- 
stances i)oint so clearly to European intrigue, that it is impos- 
sible to resist the conclusion that the whites adopted this means 
to neutralize the power of the Delawares and their friends, whom 


they dreaded, and strengthen the hands of the Iroquois, who were 
in their alliance. 

Before that strange metamorphosis took place, of a great 
and powerful nation being transformed into a band of defence- 
less women, the Iroquois had never been permitted to visit the 
Lenape even when they were at peace with each other. When- 
ever a Mengwe appeared in their country, he was hunted down 
as a beast of prey, and it was lawful for every one to destroy him. 
But now the " woman " could not consistently, with her new 
station and engagements, make use of destructive weapons, and 
she was bound to abstain from all violence against the human 
species. Her late enemies therefore found no difficulty in travel- 
ing under various pretences through her country and those of 
her allies, and leaving here and there a few of their people to 
remain among them as long as they pleased for the purpose, as 
they said, of keeping up a good understanding and assisting 
them in the preservation of the general peace. But while they 
were amusing the Lenape with flattering language, they w^ere 
concerting measures to involve them in difficulties with other 

The Delawares say that to the countenance of the English 
is entirely owing the preponderance which the Iroquois at last 
attained. They complain that the English did support that 
enemy against them; that they even sanctioned their insolence 
by telling them to make use of their authority as men, and bring 
these women to their senses. That they were even insulted 
and treated in a degrading manner in treaties to w-hich the 
English were parties, and particularly in that which took place 
in Easton in July, 1742, when the Six Nations wxre publicly 
called on to compel the Delawares to give up the land taken frorrl 
them by the long day's walk. But for these repeated outrages 
they would not have taken part with the French in the war of 
1755. Nor perhaps would they have done so had not they been 
seduced into the measure by the perfidious Iroquois. At the 
commencement of that war they brought the w^ar belt with a piece 
of tobacco to the Delawares and told them, " Remember that the 
English have unjustly deprived you of much of your land which 
they took from you by force. Your cause is just; therefore, 
smoke of this tobacco and arise; join with us, our fathers, the 
French, and take your revenge. You are women, it is true, 


but we will shorten your petticoats, and though you may appear 
by your dress to be w^omen, yet by your conduct and language 
you will convince your enemies that you are determined not 
tamely to suffer the wrongs and injuries inflicted upon you." 

Yielding to these solicitations, the Delawares and their con- 
nections took up arms against the English in favor of the French, 
and committed many hostilities in which the Iroquois appeared 
to take no part. Sir William Johnson requested them to use 
their ascendency and to persuade the hostile Indians to lay down 
the hatchet, instead of which, instead of conforming to the an- 
cient custom of Indian nations, which was simply to take the 
war hatchet back from those to whom they had given it, they 
fell on a sudden on the unsuspecting Lenape, killed their cattle, 
and destroyed their town on the Susquehanna and carried their 
prisoners to Johnson who put them in irons. This cruel act of 
treachery the Delaw^ares say they will never forget or forgive. 
This is why they acted against the English in the war of 1755. 

Let us for a moment place ourselves in the situation of the 
Delaw^ares, Mohicans and the other tribes connected with them 
at the time when the Europeans first landed on New York Island. 
They w- ere then in the height of their glory, pursuing their successes 
against the Iroquois, w'ith whom they had long been at war. 
They were in possession of the whole country from the sea 
coast to the Mississippi; from the river St. Lawrence to the 
frontier of Carolina, w^hile the habitations of their enemies did 
not extend far beyond the Great Lakes. In this situation they 
are on a sudden checked in their career by a phenomenon they 
had till then never beheld. Immense canoes arriving at their 
shores filled with a people of a different color, language, 
dress and manners from themselves. In their astonishment they 
call out to one another, "Behold, the gods are come to visit us!" 
They at first considered these astonishing beings as messengers 
of peace sent from the abodes of the Great Spirit, and there- 
fore employed their time in preparing and making sacrifices to 
that Great Being who had so highly honored them. Lost in 
amazement, fond of the enjoyment of this new spectacle, and 
anxious to know the result, they were unmindful of those mat- 
ters which hitherto had taken up their minds and had been the 
object of their pursuits. They thought of nothing else but the 
wonders which now struck their eyes, and sharpest wits were 


constantly employed in endeavoring to divine this great mystery. 
A great many years ago when men with a white skin had 
never yet been seen in this land, some Indians who were out fish- 
ing at a place where the sea widens, espied at a great distance 
something remarkably large floating on the water, and such as 
they had never seen before. Immediately returning to the 
shore, they apprised their countrymen of what they had observed, 
and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might 
be. They hurried out together and saw with astonishment the 
phenomenon which now appeared to their sight, but could not 
agree upon what it was; some believed it to be an uncommonly 
large fish or animal, while others were of opinion it must be a very 
big house floating on the sea. At length the spectators concluded 
that this wonderful object was moving toward the land, and 
that it must be an animal or something else that had life in it; 
it would therefore be proper to inform all the Indians on the in- 
habited islands of what they had seen, and put them on their 
guard. Accordingly they sent off a number of runners and 
watermen to carry the news to tlieir scattered chiefs, that they 
might send off in every direction for the warriors, with a mes- 
sage that they should come on immediately. These arriving in 
numbers, and having themselves viewed the strange appearance, 
and observing that it was actually moving towards the entrance 
of the river or bay, conchided it to be a remarkably large house 
in which the Mannitto (the Great Spirit) himself was present, 
and that he probably was coming to visit them. By this time the 
chiefs were assembled at York Island, and deliberating in what 
manner they should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every 
measure was taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a 
sacrifice. The women were desired to prepare the best victuals. 
AH the idols and images were examined and put in order, and a 
peat dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable enter- 
tainment for the Great Being, but it was believed that it might 
^'Jth the addition of a sacrifice contribute to appease him if he 
^as angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work to 
determine what this phenomenon portended, and what the pos- 
sible result of it might be. To these and to the chiefs and wise 
''^ of the nations, men, women and children were looking up 
for advice and protection. Distracted between hope and fear 
"^ were at a loss what to do ; a dance, however, commenced in 


great confusion. While in this situation fresh runners arrive 
declaring it to be a large house of various colors and crowded 
with living creatures. It appears now to be certain that it is the 
Great Mannitto bringing them some kind of game such as he 
had not given them before, but other runners, soon after arriv- 
ing, declare that it is positively a house full of human beings 
of quite a diflferent color from that of the Indians, and dressed 
differently from them ; that in particular one of them was dressed 
entirely in red, who must be the Mannitto himself. They are 
hailed from the vessel in a language they do not understand, yet 
they shout or yell in return by way of answer, according to the 
custom of their country; many are for running off to the woods, 
but are pressed by others to stay in order not to give offence to 
their visitor, who might find them out and destroy them. The 
house, some say large canoe, at last stops and a canoe of smaller 
size comes on shore with the man in red and some others in it; 
some stay with his canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men 
assemble in council, form themselves into a large circle toward 
which the man in red clothes approaches with two others. He 
salutes them with a friendly countenance and they return the 
salute after their manner. They are lost in admiration; the 
dress, the manners, the whole appearance of the strangers is ta 
them a subject of wonder; but they are particularly struck with. 
him who wore the red coat all glittering with gold lace, which 
they could in no manner account for. He surely must be the 
Great Mannitto, but wliy should he have a white skin? Mean- 
while a large Hackhack (gourd) is brought by one of his ser- 
vants from which an unknown substance is poured out into a 
small cup, or glass, and handed to the supposed Mannitto. He 
drinks, has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief stand- 
ing next to him. The chief receives it, but only smells the con-- 
tents, and passes it on to the next chief who does the same. Th^ 
glass or cup thus passes through the circle without the liquor be- 
ing tasted by anyone, and is upon the point of being returned to th^ 
red clothed ^Mannitto, when one of the Indians, a brave man and 
a great warrior, suddenly jumps up and harrangiies the assembly^ 
on the impropriety of returning the cup with its contents. It: 
was handed to them by the ^Mannitto that they should drink of 
it as he had done. To follow his example would be pleasing" 
to him; but to return what he had given them might provoke 


his wrath and bring destruction on them. And since the orator 
beheved it for the good of the nation that the contents offered 
them should be drunk, as no one else would do it, he would drink 
it himself, let the consequences be what it might; it was better 
for one man to die than that a whole nation should be destroyed. 
He then took the glass, and bidding the assembly a solemn fare- 
well, at once drank up its whole contents. Every eye was fixed 
on the resolute chief to see what effect the unknown liquor would 
produce. He soon began to stagger, and at last fell prostrate 
on the ground. His companions now bemoan his fate; he 
falls into a sound sleep, and they think he has expired. He 
wakes again, jumps up, and declares he has enjoyed the most 
delicious sensations, and that he never before felt himself so 
happy as after he had drank the cup. He asks for more; his 
wish is granted ; the whole assembly then imitate him, and all be- 
come intoxicated. 

After this general intoxication had ceased, for they say that 
while it lasted the whites had confined themselves to their vessel, 
the man with the red clothes returned again, and distributed pres- 
ents among them, consisting of beads, axes, hoes and stockings 
such as the white people wear. They soon became familiar 
with each other and began to converse by signs. The Dutch 
made them understand that they would not stay here ; that they 
would return home again, but would pay them another visit the 
next year when they would bring them more presents and stay 
with them awhile; but as they could not live without eating they 
should want a little land of them to sow seeds, in order to raise 
herbs and vegetables to put into their broth. They went away 
as they had said, and returned in the following season, when 
both parties were much rejoiced to see each other ; but the whites 
laughed at the Indians, seeing that they knew not the use of the 
axes and hoes they had given them the year before ; for they had 
these hanging to their breasts as ornaments, and the stockings 
were made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites now put 
handles to the former for them, and cut trees down before their 
eyes, hoed up the ground, and put the stockings on their legs. 
Here they say a general laughter ensued among the Indians that 
they had remained ignorant of the use of such valuable imple- 
ments and had borne the weight of such heavy metal hanging to 
their necks for such a length of time. They took every white 


man they saw for an inferior Mannitto, attendant on the supreme 
deity, who shone superior in the red and laced clothes. As the 
whites became daily more familiar \vith the Indians they at last 
proposed to stay with them, and asked only for so much ground 
for a garden as, they said, the hide of a bullock would cover or 
encompass, which hide was spread before them. The Indians 
readily granted this apparently reasonable request ; but the whites 
then took a knife and beginning at one end of the hide, cut it up 
to a long rope not thicker than a child's finger, so that by the 
time the whole was cut up it made a great heap ; then they took 
the rope at one end drew it gently along, carefully avoiding its 
breaking. It was drawn out into a circular form, and being 
closed at its ends encompassed a large piece of ground. The In- 
dians were surprised at the superior wit of the w^hites, but did not 
w^ish to contend w^ith them about a little land, as they had still 
enough themselves. The w^hite and red men lived contentedly 
for a long time, though the former from time to time asked for 
more land, which was readily obtained, and thus they gradually 
proceeded up the Mahicanittuck until the Indians began to be- 
lieve that they would soon want all their country, which in the 
end proved true. 

JfV/v the Indians Held to the English and Against the French. 
By DcWitt Clinton, 

'* It is not a little difficult to define the territorial limits of 
this extraordinary ])eo])le, fc^r on this subject there are the most 
repugnant representations by the French and English writers 
arising from interest, friendship, prejudice and enmity. While 
the French on the one hand were involved in continual hostility 
with them, the English on the other hand were connected by al- 
liance and by cc^nmerce. By the 15th Article of the treaty of 
Utrecht, concluded in 1713, it was stipulated that the subjects 
of France inhabiting Canada and others shall hereafter give no 
hindrance or molestation to the Five Nations, or cantons, sub- 
ject to the dominion of Great Britain. As between Prance and 
England the Confederates were therefore to be considered as 
the subjects of the latter, and of course the British dominion was 
coextensive with the rightful territory of the five cantons, it then 
became the policy of France to diminish, and that of England 


to enlarge this territory. But, notwithstanding the confusion 
that has grown out of these clashing interests and contradictory 
representations, it is not perhaps very far from the truth to pro- 
nounce that the Five Nations w-ere entitled by patrimony or 
conquest to all the territory in the United States and in Canada, 
not occupied by the Creeks, the Cherokees and the other south- 
em Indians; by the Sioux, the Kinisteneaux and the Chippewas, 
and by the English and French as far west as the Mississippi and 
Lake Winnepeg, as far northwest as the w^aters which unite 
this lake and Hudson's Bay and Labrador. ' The Five Nations 
daim,' says Smith, * all the lands not sold to the English from the 
mouth of Sorel river, on the south side of Lakes Erie and On- 
tario, on both sides of the Ohio till it falls into the Mississippi ; 
and on the north side of these lakes that whole territory between 
the Ottawas river and Lake Huron, and even beyond the straits 
between that and Lake Erie. The principal point of dispute be- 
tween the English and French w^as whether the dominion of the 
Confederates extended north of the Great Lakes ; but I think it 
is evident that it did. It is admitted by several French writers 
that the Iroquois had several villages on the north side of Lake 
Ontario; and they are even laid down in the maps attached to 
Charlevoix, and it cannot be denied but that they subdued the 
Hurons and Algonquins, who lived on that side of the Great 
Lakes and consequently were entitled to their country by right of 
conquest.' Douglass estimated their territory at about twelve 
hundred miles in length from north to south and from seven to 
right hundred miles in breadth. This was either hereditary or 
conquered. Their patrimonial and part of their conquered coun- 
try were used for the purpose of habitation and hunting. Their 
hunting grounds were very extensive, including a large triangle 
on the southeast side of St. Lawrence river, the country lying on 
the south and east sides of Lake Erie, and the country between 
the Lakes Erie and Michigan, and the country lying on the north 
of Lake Erie and northwest of Lake Ontario and Huron. All 
the remaining part of their territory was inhal)ited by the Abena- 
quis, Algonquins, Shawanese, Delawares, Illinois, Miamies, and 
other vassal nations. The acquisition of supremacy over a coun- 
try of such amazing extent and fertility, inhabited by warlike 
^d numerous nations, must have been the result of design and 
system of action proceeding from a wise and energetic policy, con- 


tinned for a long course of time. To their social combinations, 
military talents and exterior arrangements we must look for this 
system, if such system is to be found." 

The Indians and the English in the Revolutionary War. 

" After the general peace in 1762, an attempt was made by a 
number of the western Indians to destroy the British colonies. The 
Senecas were involved in this war, but in 1764, Sir William 
Johnson, styling himself his Majesties' sole agent and superin- 
tendent of Indian aflfairs in North America and colonel of the 
Six United Nations, their allies and dependents, agreed to prelim- 
inary articles of peace with them. In this treaty the Senecas 
ceded to them the Carying place at Niagara. 

** The Confederates remained in a state of peace until the 
commencement of the Revolutionary War. On the 19th of June, 
1775, the Oneidas and some other Indians sent to the convention 
of Massachusetts a speech declaring their neutrality ; stating that 
they could not find nor recollect in the traditions of their ances- 
tors a parallel case; and saying, ** As we have declared for peace, 
we desire you would not apply to our Indian brethren in New 
England for assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and 
live with one another; and you white people settle your own dis- 
putes betwixt yourselves." These good dispositions did not long 
continue with most of the Indian nations; all within the reach of 
British blandishments and presents were prevailed upon to take 
up the hatchet. It is calculated that twelve thousand six hun- 
dred and ninety warriors were employed by the British during the 
Revolutionary War, of which one thousand five hundred and 
eighty were Iroquois. The influence of Sir William Johnson 
was transmitted to his son, who was most successful in alluring 
them into the views of Great Britain. A great war feast was 
made by him on the occasion in which, according to the horrible 
phraseology of tliese barbarians, they were invited to banquet 
upon a Bostonian and to drink his blood. 

^'General Burgoyne made a speech to the Indians on the 28th 
of June, 1777, urging them to hostilities, and stating his satis- 
faction at the general conduct of the Indian tribes from the be- 
ginning of the troubles in America. 

**An old Iroquois chief answered, "We have been tried and 


tempted by the Bostonians but we have loved our father, and 
our hatchets have been sharpened on our affections. In proof of 
the sincerity of our professions, our whole villages able to go to 
war, are come forth; the old and infirm, our infants and our 
wives alone remain at home." 

"They realized their professions. The whole Confederacy, ex- 
cept a little more than half of the Oneidas, took up arms against 
the Americans. They hung like the scythe of death upon the 
rear of the settlements and their deeds are inscribed with the 
scalping knife and the tomahawk in characters of blood on the 
fields of Wyoming, on the banks of the Mohawk and along the 
valleys of the Susquehanna. 

"In 1 78 1, when almost all the Indian nations were in the 

British interest except a part of the Delawares, among whom were 

the Christian Indians, between two hundred and three hundred 

souls in number, the British Indian Agent at Detroit applied to 

the great council of the Six Nations at Niagara to remove those 

Christian Indians out of the country. The Iroquois upon this 

sent a war message to the Chippeways and Ottawas to this effect : 

" We herewith make you a present of the Christian Indians to 

make soup of," which in the war language of the Indians meant, 

" We deliver these people to you to be murdered." These brave 

Indians sent the message immediately back with the reply : "We 

have no cause for doing this." The same message l)eing sent 

next to the Wyandotts they likewise disobeyed their orders and 

did not make the least attempt to murder those innocent people. 

The Iroquois therefore were completely at a loss how to think and 

act, seeing that their orders were everywhere disregarded. 

"In the wars between France and England and their colonies 
their Indian allies were entitled to a premium for every scalp of 
an enemy. In the war preceeding 1703, the government of Mas- 
sachusetts gave twelve pounds for every Indian scalp; in that 
year the premium was raised to forty pounds, but in 1722 it was 
augmented to one hundred pounds. An act was passed on Feb- 
niary 25th, 1745, by the New York colonial legislature, entitled. 
An act for giving a reward for such scalps and prisoners as shall 
l>e taken by the inhabitants of (or Indians in alliance with) this 
^lony, and to prevent the inhabitants of the city and county of 
Albany from selling rum to the Indians.' In 1746, the scalps 
of tM'o Frenchmen were presented to one of the colonial gover- 


nors at Albany by three of the Confederate Indians, and his ex- 
cellency after gratifying them with money and fine clothes as- 
sured them how well he took this special mark of their fidelity 
and that he would always remember this act of friendship. The 
employment of savages, and putting into their hands the scalping 
knife during the Revolutionary War, were openly justified in the 
House of Lords by Lord Suffolk, the British Secretary of State, 
who vindicated its policy and necessity and declared that the 
measure was also allowable on principle ; for that it was perfectly 
justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had put into 
their hands. The eUxjuent rebuke of Lord Chatham has per- 
petuated the sentiment and consigned its author to immortal in- 
famy/'— jDt^//'/7^ Clinton. . 

The Friends, following the example of the founder of Penn- 
sylvania and acting according to the principles of their society, 
were the protectors of the Indians. But the family of Penn 
departed from the Society and thoroughly adopted the sentiments 
and practices of the wordly. In fact, in July, 1764, John Penn, 
the grandson of William Penn, offered by proclamation the 
following bounties for the capture, or scalps, or death of the In- 
dians : For every man above the age of ten years captured, $150; 
scalped and killed, S134; for every Indian female enemy and 
every male under the age of ten years captured, $130; for every 
female above the age of ten years scalped, being killed, $50. 

In the biography of Franklin, by Parton, we are told of the 
use he made of a printing press which he always kept in his house 
ready for use. He was in France in 1781, and was profoundly 
affected by the barbarous manner in which some of the English 
officers were conducting the war against the Americans. Parton 
says, " To bring the horrors of Indian warfare home to the 
minds of the rulers of England, he printed a leaf of an imaginary 
American newspaper, which he styled, * Supplement to the Bos- 
ton Independent Chn^nicle.' For this supplement he wrote an 
' Extract of a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the New England 
Militia ' ; imitating with great exactness the usual style of such 
])erformances in the newspapers of X'ew England. Captain Ger- 
rish said : ' The peltry taken in the expedition (see the account 
of the expedition to Oswegatchie, on the River St. Lawrence, 
in our paper of the ist instant) will, as you see, amount to a 
great deal of money. The possession of this booty at first g^ve 


US pleasure; but we were struck with horror to find among the 
packages eight large ones containing scalps of our unhappy 
country folks, taken in the last three years by the Seneca Indians 
from the inhabitants of the frontiers of New York, New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania and Virginia, and sent by them as a present to 
Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him 
transmitted to England/ " 

The Captain added that tlie packages of scalps were accom- 
panied by an explanatory letter from one James Crawford, a 
trader, to the Governor of Canada, which he enclosed. The 
opening paragraph will serve to show the leading idea : 

*' May it please your Excellency : At the request of the 
Seneca chiefs, I send herewith to your Excellency, under the 
care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, cured, dried, hooped 
and painted, with all the Indian triumphal marks, of w-hich the 
following is invoice and explanation : 

"No. I. Containing forty-three scalps of Congress soldiers, 
killed in different skirmishes ; these are stretched on black hoops, 
four inches diameter; the inside of the skin painted red, wuth a 
small black spot to note their being killed with bullets. Also 
sixty-two of farmers killed in their houses; the hoops red, the 
skin painted brown, and marked with a hoe, a black circle all 
round to denote their being surprised in the night, and black 
hatchet in the middle, signifying their being killed with that 

"No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of farmers killed in their 
houses; hoops red, figure of a hoe. to mark their profession ; great 
white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the day-time; 
a little red foot, to show they stood upon their defence and died 
fighting for their lives and families. 

"The other packages were described in similar style. No. 3, 
containing ninety-seven scalps of farmers, and No. 4, one hun- 
dred and two,- of which eighteen were marked with a little yellow 
flame, to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being 
scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments ; 
one of these latter supposed to be a rebel clergj^man, his hand 
being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear 
by the hair to have been young or middle-aged men; there being 
but sixty-seven of very grey heads among them all ; which makes 
the service more essential. No. 5 contained eighty-eight scalps 


of women, and Nos. 6, 7, 8, some hundreds of boys and girls. In 
No. 8 was found a box of birch bark containing twenty-nine little 
infants' scalps of various sizes; small w^hite hoops, white ground, 
no tears and only a little black knife in the middle to show they 
were ripped out of their mothers' bodies. 

"These packages, according to James Crawford, the Governor 
of Canada was requested by the chiefs to send to the King of 
England, that he might know and reward their zeal in his ser- 

"The imaginary editor of the paper appended to the whole a 
postscript of his own, in which he stated that the scalps had just 
reached Boston, and that thousands of people were flocking to see 
them, their mouths full of execrations. Fixing them to the trees 
is not approved, added the editor. It is now proposed to make 
them up in decent little packages, seal and direct them; one to 
the king, containing a sample of every sort for his museum; 
one to the Queen, with some w'omen and little children ; the rest 
to be distributed among both Houses of Parliament; a double 
quantity to the bishops.'' 

It is not known how widely this production was circulated. 
But it is evident that it made the people conscious of the bar- 
barities practiced in the war against the colonies as nothing less 
vivid could have done. Franklin, an old man of seventy-five 
years, undoubtedly recalled his experience in the Indian war 
eighteen years before, and while surrounded by all the luxuries 
of the French court, drew from his faultless memory the terrible 
realities which the word scalp signified. 



IN THE year 1733 notice was given in the public papers that 
the remaining day and a half's walk was to be made, and 

offering five hundred acres of land anywhere in the purchase, 
and five pounds in money, to the person who should attend and 
walk the farthest in the given time. By previous agreement the 
Governor was to select three white persons and the Indians a 
like number of their own nation. The persons employed by the 
Governor were Edward Marshall, James Yates and Solomon 
Jennings. One of the Indians was called Combush. About the 
20thof September (or when the days and nights are equal), they 
met before sunrise at the old chestnut tree below Wrightstown 
Meeting House, together with a great number of persons as spec- 
tators. The walkers all stood with one hand against the tree, 
until the sun rose, and then started. In two hours and a half 
they arrived at Red Hill in Bedminister, where Jennings and two 
of the Indians gave but. The other Indian (Combush) con- 
tinued with them to near where the road forks at Easton, where 
he laid down a short time to rest, but on getting up he was un- 
able to proceed further. Marshall and Yeates proceeded on and 
arrived at sundown at the north side of the Blue Mountain. 
They started again the next morning at sunrise. While cross- 
ing a stream of water at the foot of the mountain Yeates became 
faint and fell. Marshall turned back and supported him until 
others came to his relief, and then continued the walk alone, and 
^nived at noon on a spur of the second or Broad Mountain, es- 
timated to be eighty-six miles from the place of starting. They 
^'alked from sunrise to sunset without stopping; provisions and 
refreshments having been previously provided at diflferent places 
^ong the road and line that had been run and marked for them 
to Walk by, to the top of the Blue Mountains, and persons also 
attended on horseback by relays with liquors of several kinds. 
^Vhen they arrived at the Blue Mountain they found a great 



number of Indians collected, expecting the walk would end there; 
but when they found it was to go half a day further, they were 
very angry, and said they were cheated. Penn had got all their 
good land, but that in the spring every Indian was to bring him 
a buckskin and they would have their land again, and Penn 
might go to the devil with his poor land. 

An old Indian said, '* No sit down to smoke — no shoot a 
squirrel, but lun, lun, lun, all day long." 

The Indian question in 1742 was reaching a condition that 
led thoughtful men to the conviction that there was grave 
trouble before the Province. 

The Unity Conference in Fel^ruary had been distinguished 
by the baptism of three Indian converts in the presence of a large 
concourse of people. The ix)sition of the earnest godly men in 
this movement was now indicated. At the; fourth conference 
held in Germantown the eleventh of March, Henry Antes was 
appointed to investigate the question of the wrongs done the 
Indians, thus moving on a line that was bound to be antagonis- 
tic to the general method of the ofiicials of the province. At 
the same time Count Zinzendorf was contemplating a personal 
visit to the Indians in their homes. The dispute at this time 
was in regard to certain lands that were being occupied by settlers 
which the Indians were unwilling to give up. Gordan says, 
" A tract lying in the forks of the Delaware and Lehigh rivers, 
extending back into the woods as far as a man can go in a day 
and a half, denominated the walking purchase, had been sold to 
William Penn by the Delawares in 1736, and confirmed by the 
same tribe by their deed dated 25th of August, 1737." The 
lines of this purchase having been traced by very expert walkers, 
and including more land than the Indians exi)ected, increased 
the dissatisfaction which had prevailed among them in relatioa 
to the grant of 1736. The Indians complained that the walkers 
who outstripped them ran, and did not pursue the course of the 
river as they antici])ated. The chief Nutimus and others, who 
signed the treaty of 1737, refused to yield peaceable possession 
of these lands, and declared their intention to maintain them- 
selves by force of arms. 

Henry Antes was filled with indignation as he saw how the 
poor Indians were cheated bv the rascalitv of the followers of 



Penn, and whatever the issue" he would not be a party to such 

There was an impression among many at this time that the 
Indians were the lost tribes of Israel. William Penn held this 
view, Spangenburg also believed it, and as Antes was his in- 
timate friend, undoubtedly it was his view also. With such a 
belief in their minds one can readily see why they would hazard 
all things to win them to Christ. 

But the Governor and his party were not troubled with ques- 
tions of this kind; they had the power to compel the Indians, 
and they determined to use that power. They, therefore, in- 
voked the Iroquois to exert their authority over the Dela wares, 
and compel them to remove. Upon this invitation there were 
two hundred and thirty chiefs that came to Philadelphia the 30th 
of June, 1742. 

There were thirteen Onondagas, nineteen Cayugas, four- 
teen Oneidas, three Senecas, twenty-one Tuscaroras, five Sha- 
wanese, eight Conestogas, six Delawares from Shamokin and 
four from the Forks. There were eleven other chiefs. The 
principal person was Canasatego, who was a chief of the Meng- 
we. He belonged to the Onondagas. 

Before these Indians the Governor recited his grievances 
concerning the retention of purchased lands, and writing rude and 
abusive letters to the proprietaries by the Delawares. Then 
Canasatego arose and speaking for the Six Nations, who num- 
bered nearly two thousand warriors, said : ** They saw the Dela- 
wares had been an unruly people, and were altogether in the 
wrong; that they concluded to remove them and ol)lige them to 
go over the river Lehigh and quit all claims to any lands on this 
side for the future, since they had received pay for them and it 
is gone through their guts long ago. They deserve to he taken 
by the hair of the head and shaken severely, till they recovered 
their senses and became sober. That he had seen with his eyes 
a deed signed by nine of their ancestors al)ove fifty years ago for 
this very land (1686) and a release signed not many years since 
(1737) by some of themselves, and chiefs then living (Xutnnus 
and Sassoonan, then present) to the number of fifteen and up- 
wards." Then turning to the Delaware chiefs, he said : ** But 
how came you to take upon you to sell lands at all ? We con- 
quered you; we made women of you; you know you are women 


and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should 
have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. This 
land that you claim has gone through your guts, you have been 
furnished with, clothes, meat and drink by the goods paid you 
for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. But 
what makes you sell lands in the dark? Did you ever tell us you 
had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, even the value 
of a pipe shank, from you for it ? You have told us a blind story, 
that you sent a messenger to us to inform us of the sale ; but he 
never came amongst us, nor did we ever hear anything about it. 
This is acting in the dark, and not like the custom our Six Na- 
tions observe in the sale of lands. On such occasions they give 
public notice and invite all the Indians of their united nations, 
and give them all a share of the presents they receive for the 
lands. This is the behavior of the wise united nations. But we 
find you are none of our blood ; you act a dishonest part, not only 
in this but in other matters ; your ears are ever open to slanderous 
reports about your brethren. For all these reasons we charge 
you to remove instantly. We don't give you liberty to think 
about it. You are women ! Take the advice of a wise man and 
remove instantly. You may return to the other side of the 
Lehigh instantly, where you came from; but we do not know 
whether, considering how you have demeaned yourselves, you 
will be permitted to live there, or whether you have not swal- 
lowed that land down your throats as well as the land on this 
side. \Vc therefore assign you two places to go to, either to 
Wyoming or Shamokin. You may go to either of these places, 
and then we shall have you more under our eye, and shall see 
how you behave. Don't deliberate, but move away and take this 
belt of wampum." 

He then forbade them to intermeddle in land affairs, or 
ever thereafter pretend to sell any land; and commanded them, 
as he had something to transact with the English, immediately 
to depart the council. The Delawares dared not disol>ey this 
peremptorv command but immediately departed from the coun- 

The third treaty at Easton, held between Teedyuscung for 
the Indians and George Crogan for the English, opened form- 
ally on July 27th, 1757, and closed on August 7th. Governor 
Denny and members of his council and a number of gentlemen 


from Philadelphia, among whom the Friends were largely repre- 
sented, were in attendance. There were present of the Indians 
one hundred and fifty-nine of Teedyuscung's counsellors and 
warriors and one hundred and nineteen Senecas; among these 
representatives of the ten nations, who had only two heads of 
kings between them. Pompshire interpreted for the Delaware 
Captain, Thomas McKee for the Crown and Conrad Weiser for 
the Province. Teedyuscung having demahded a secretary to 
take down the minutes for his revision, it was reluctantly granted 
him, and he chose Charles Thompson, Master of the Public 
Quaker School in the city of Philadelphia, the same Thompson 
who in the Enquiry pleads the cause of the Delawares with the 
calm composure of an advocate who is conscious of the innocence 
of his client and of the certain triumph of truth and justice. 
After an exchange of the compliments usually preliminary to 
business on such occasions, and the utterance of mutual assur- 
ances of regret for the past and good hopes for the future, the 
King stated that the purchase of lands by the proprietaries from 
Indians who had no right to sell, and their fraudulent measure- 
ment subsequently, whether by miles or by hour walks, had pro- 
voked the war. This charge he demanded should be closely in- 
vestigated, and on evidence appearing that injury had been done 
to the Indians, they should have redress. "In that case,'* he 
said, " I will speak with a loud voice and the nations shall hear 
me." Hereupon he stated his purpose to settle \yith his country- 
men in Wyoming, adding that he would build a town there such 
as the white men build, and provide for the introduction of the 
Christian religion among his countrymen, and for the education 
of their children. In conclusion he demanded that the deeds 
by which the lands in dispute were held should be produced, that 
they be publicly read, and that copies be laid before King George 
and published to all the Provinces under his government. 
" What is fairly bought and paid for," he went on to say, " I 
make no further demands about; but if any lands have been 
bought of Indians to whom these lands did not belong, and who 
had no right to sell them, I expect satisfaction for these lands. 
And if the proprietaries have taken in more lands than they 
bought of true owners, I expect likewise to be paid for that. But 
as the persons to whom the proprietaries may have sold these 
lands, which of right belonged to me, have made some settle- 


ments, I do not want to disturb them or to force them to leave 
them, but I expect full satisfaction shall be made to the true 
owners for these lands, though the proprietaries, as I said before, 
might have bought them from persons who had no right to sell 

After some hesitation on the part of the Province in 
consequence of difference of opinion as to the propriety of com- 
plying with the Delawares' request, in so for as Sir William John- 
son had been commissioned by royal appointment to hear the 
particulars of the charge brought against the proprietaries, and 
the proprietaries defense, and in consequence of Teeedyuscung's 
reluctance to treat with the Baronet and his Indians, some of 
whom he alleged were parties to the unauthorized sale of lands, 
the deeds relating to the purchases north of the Tohickon were 
produced and read. Agreeably to his request, furthermore, 
copies of them were promised him for dispatch to Sir William 
Johnson to be transmitted by the latter to King George for his 
determination. Upon this the Delaware rose to his feet and 
taking up two belts tied together said : ** I desire you would 
with attention hear me. By these two belts I will let you know 
what was the ancient method of confirming a lasting peace. 
This you ought to have considered and to have done; but I will 
put you in mind. You may remember when you took hold of my 
hand and led me down and invited my uncles with some from 
each of the Ten Nations, when we had agreed we came down 
to take hold of one of your hands, and my uncles came to take 
hold of your other hand. Now, as this day and this tiniie are 
appointed to meet and confirm a lasting peace, we, that is, I and 
my uncles, as we stand, and you as you stand in the name of 
the great King, three of us standing, we will all look up and by 
continuing to observe the agreements by which we shall oblige 
ourselves one to another we shall see the clear light, and friend- 
ship shall last to us and to our posterity after us forever and for- 
ever. Now, as I have two belts and witnesses are present who 
will sDcak the same by these belts, brothers, in the presence of 
the Ten Nations, who are witnesses, I lay hold of your hand 
(taking the Governor by the hand) and brighten the chain of 
friendship that shall be lasting, and whatever conditions shall be 
proper for us to agree to may be mentioned afterwards. This 
is the time to declare our mutual friendship. Now, brother, 


the Governor, to confirm what I have said, I have given you my 
hand which you were pleased to rise and take hold of. I 
leave it with you. When you please I am ready, brother, if you 
have anything to say as a token of confirming the peace I shall 
be ready to hear, and as you rose, I will rise up and lay hold of 
your hand. To confirm what I have said, I give you these belts.'* 
" We now rise and take you into our arms," replied the Gover- 
nor, " and embrace you with the greatest pleasure as our friends 
and brethren, and heartily desire we may ever hereafter look on 
one another as brethren and children of the same parents. As 
a confirmation of this, we give you this belt.*' 

The belt the Governor gave was a large white belt w^ith the 
figures of three men upon it representing his Majesty, King 
George, taking hold of the Five Nation King with one hand, 
and Teedyuscung, the Delaware King, with the other, and 
marked with the initials of each. 

In the afternoon of the 8th of August, the Indians began to 
pass through Bethlehem on their return from the treaty. Up- 
ivards of one hundred came, among them Paxanosa, the Shawan- 
ese King of Wyoming, and French Margaret. Colonel Weiser, 
-with a detachment of Provincials under Captain Arndt, was their 
escort. On the next day the King and his family, Mohican 
Abraham and Isaac Xutimus arrived. Some of these unwelcome 
visitors halted for a few days, and some proceeded as far as 
Fort Allen, and then returned undecided as to where to go or 
what to do. During the month full two hundred were counted, 
men, women and children, among them lawless crowds, who 
annoyed the brethren by depredations, molested the Indians at 
the Manakasy, and wrangled with each other over their cups at 
" The Crown." 

Toward evening, on Sunrlay the 7th of August, Governor 
Denny and his retinue arrived unex])ected1y at liethlehem, crossed 
the ferry and spent the night at the Crown. He declined accept- 
ing the hospitalities of the Brethren on this side, although he 
was waited on by Bro. Bohler. The young men accordingly 
entertained him w-ith the music of wind and stringed instruments 
from boats on the Lehigh in front of his lodgings. Tie set out 
for Philadelphia the next morning. 

In a conference between Spangenberg and Teedyuscung the 
following was said : "In the next place we informed Teedyus- 


Cling that we had purchased a tract of land near Bethlehem on 
which we proposed to establish our Indian brethren and sisters, 
and then asked him whether he objected; remarking that the 
whites were at liberty to settle where they choose and that the 
Indians, we thought, were entitled to the same privilege." He 
made answer that probal)ly the white man was under no restric- 
tion in the choice of a home, but that if he settled in the white 
man's country he was subject to the white man's law. He said, 
" Why cannot the Indians who love the Saviour, remove to the 
Indian country and plant along the Susquehanna? The Brethren 
surely can visit them, preach to the men and women and instruct 
the children." 

Spangenberg rejoined, *' In case our Indian brethren and 
sisters were to remove there, they would require a town of their 
own, and in it a school, and a church, where the Gospel could be 
freely preached. For this he would stipulate in advance. And 
furthermore, he would make it a condition that all Indians who 
should be desirous of hearing of the Saviour should be at liberty 
to come into the town ; and on the other hand all that were dis- 
inclined to his service, or did wickedness, or were seducers, 
should be excluded. There would in fact be no occasion for the 
latter class to resort to or to take up their abode in the town un- 
der consideration, as the Indians had ample lands and room for 
settlement elsewhere along the river.'* 

Teedyuscung took no exception to these conditions, assented 
to all that had been said, and then expressed a wish that the 
Indians who loved the Saviour might live together. "If there 
be any likelihood of this coming to pass,*' resumed Spangenberg, 
** I desire that the settlement l)e made in the valley where the 
Shawanese had their seats fifteen years ago; and if the owners of 
the land make us a proposal to buy, Bro. Mack and myself will 
gladly go up to Wyoming and view the place, and select a spot. 
Even in that event, however, our Indian Brethren must be permit- 
ted to exercise the right of preference so that those who choose to 
remain at Bethlehem can remain and those who choose to remove 
to the Susquehanna can do so. I insist on this demand as it in- 
volves a ])rinciplc which must remain inviolate." 

At this stage of the interview Spangenberg informed Teedy- 
uscung of the intentir)n he had had soon after the opening of hos- 
tilities to repair to the Indian country in order to treat with the 


Indians for peace. This cherished project failed to meet with 
the approval of Governor Morris, and he had to abandon it. In 
the course of conversation Teedyusciing stated that during hos- 
tilities the wildest reports prejudicial to the Brethren had been in 
circulation among the Indians. It was currently believed by 
them, among other things, that the Brethren had decapitated the 
Indians that had fallen into their hands, had thrown their heads 
into sacks and sent them to Philadelphia. This charge and 
others equally extravagant had so exasperated the Indians, that a 
number of them had conspired to attack the Brethren's settlements 
and cut off the inhabitants without regard to age or sex. That 
Paxanosa and he, the King, had on one occasion persuaded two 
hundred warriors who had banded together for this purpose to 
desist from their intention until they had certain assurance of the 
truth of their charge. 

Tecdyuscung, the King of the Dclazi'arc Indians. 

After the death of Allummapees, Teedyuscung was made 
King of the Delawares west of the mountains. This was in the 
spring of 1756. At this time his headquarters were at Schan- 
dowana. At the treaty made in Easton in the summer of 1757, 
he requested that the government would assist his people in build- 
ing a village and teach them how to build houses. This was 
agreed to, and in the spring of 1758 the town was finished. This 
was the last Indian settlement in the historic Valley of the Five 
Nations. It stood a little below the site of Wilkesbarre. 

Teedyuscung was a remarkable man. The insulting words 
of Canasatego in the Council of 1742 had stung him to the quick, 
and he watched for an opportunity to vindicate his people. In 
the Easton conference he stood up as the champion of his people, 
fearlessly demanding the restitution of their lands, or an equiva- 
lent for their irreparable loss, and in addition, the free exercise of 
their right to select within the territory in dispute a permanent 
liome. He was contending against a twofold enemy, that is, the 
English and the Iroquois. His imposing presence, his earnest- 
ness of appeal, and his impassioned oratory, as he plead the cause 
of the injured Lenape, evoked the admiration of even his enemies. 
He spoke in the euphonious Delaware, uttering the simple and ex- 
pressive figures and tropes of the native rhetoric with which his 
harangues were replete, although he was conversant with the 


speech of the white race. It was soon perceived that he was as 
astute and sagacious as he was unmovable in the justice of his 
righteous demands. His hearers were thus forced to yield to the 
terms he laid down. 

The Colonial Records say, "Newcastle, the interpreter, in the 
course of the Treaty, advised the Governor to accept the belt that 
Teedyuscung had oflfered him, without hesitation, stating that it 
had been sent by the Six Nations to the Delawares and that it 
ought to be preserved among the Council Wampum ; at the same 
time he urged the propriety of returning another by way of re- 
sponse. The King, he proceeded, will want abundance of wam- 
pum, and if he has not, the cause will suffer. I hope the council 
bag is full, and desire it may be emptied in the lap of Teedyus- 
cung. Hereupon the Secretary was ordered to bring all the wam- 
pum he had into the Council, and there were found to be fifteen 
strings and seven belts, and a parcel of new black wampum 
amounting to 7,000 pieces. There being no new white wampum, 
nor any proper belt to give in return for Teedyuscung's peace 
belt, a messenger was sent to Bethlehem and he returned with 
5,000. Ui)on which the Indian women were employed to make a 
belt of a fathom long and sixteen beads wide, in the center of 
which was to be the figure of a man, meaning the Gov'ernor of 
Pennsylvania, and five figures to his right, and five to his left, 
meaning the ten Nations mentioned by Teedyuscung." 

''September 6th. 1757. On this day Teedyuscung returned 
from Philadelphia, after the delivery of the peace belt from the 
Alleghenies to the Governor. He signified a wish that the Breth- 
ren would permit him to pass the winter at Bethlehem. This wish 
was granted, though reluctantly. He accordingly had a lodge 
built him near 'The Crown.' Here he held court and here he gave 
audiences to the wild embassies that would come from the Indian 
country, from the land of the implacable Monsey, from the gates 
of Diahoga, and from the ultimate dim Thule of Alleghany, or 
the Ohio country. Occasionally he would repair to Philadelphia 
or t(^ the Fort to confer with the Governor, or with the comman- 
dant on the progress of the work of peace he was apparently so- 
licitious of consummating without delay. Thus the dark winter 
months i^assed, and when the swelling of maple buds and the whit- 
ening of the shad-bush on the river's banks foretokened the advent 
of si)ring, there were busy preparations going on in Teedyuscung's 
company over the water, for their long expected removal to the 


Indian Eldorado on the flats of the Winding River. Thus April 
passed; and it was the sixteenth of corn-planting month, the 
month called Tauwinipen, when the Delaware King, his Queen, 
his counsellors and warriors, led by the commissioners, and under 
escort of fifty provincials, took up the line of March for Fort 
Allen, beyond there to strike the Indian Trail that led over the 
mountains, by way of Nescopeck to Wyoming Valley. On the 
going out of these spirits, *The Crown' was swept and garnished, 
and Ephraim Colver, the publican, had rest." (Moravian Me- 
morials. ) 

With all of his admirable qualities and faithfulness to his 
people, Teedyuscung was affected by the usual Indian weakness 
of love for strong drink. In the council chamber he was the 
match of the brightest and most acute English statesmen, and 
among the Indians there was none to excel him. The Iroquois, 
finding him invincible in the ordinary realms of activities, sent a 
body of men into his neighborhood to profess regard for him, and 
under this guise to effect his ruin. They knew his fondness for 
drink and they gave it to him. Then when he was lying in his 
own cabin, sleeping under the effects of it, and there was no one 
near to arouse him, they set fire to the cabin and he was consumed 
in its burning embers. This was on the 19th of April, 1763. 
The death of this warrior spread joy throughout the lodges of the 
Six Nations, for now they were free from his dreaded power. 

To cover up their own villainy, they laid the blame of it upon 
white people who had come into the Wyoming Valley from Con- 
necticut. The infuriated followers of the famous King, believ- 
ing the report, massacred the white people, and thus horrified the 
whole frontier. 



IN JULY, 1754, at Albany, the Proprietors purchased of the 
Six Nations all the lands within the province of Pennsyl- 
vania not previously purchased, lying southwest of a line be- 
ginning one mile above the mouth of Penn's creek and running 
northwest by west to the western boundary of the province. The 
Shawanese, Delawares and Monseys on the Susquehanna, Juni- 
ata, Allegheny and Ohio Rivers thus found their lands sold from 
under their feet, which the Six Nations had guaranteed to them 
on their removal from the eastern waters. The Indians on the 
Allegheny at once went over to the French and the blood of Brad- 
dock's soldiers was added to the price of the land. The Proprie- 
tors were also compelled to erect a line of forts, which was done 
under the direction of Benjamin Franklin in 1756. The forts 
were located at stratgetic points as follows: Fort Augusta at 
Shamokin; Henshaw's fort on the Delaware; Fort Hamilton at 
Stroudsburg; Fort Norris and Fort Allen on the Lehigh; Fort 
Franklin, Fort Lebanon, Fort William Henry and Fort Halifax 
on the Susquehanna ; Fort Greenville on the Juniata, Fort Shir- 
ley, Fort Littleton and Shippensburg, besides several smaller 
stockades, which were garrisoned with provincial troops. Frank- 
lin thus describes his experience in building one of these forts : 

**While the several companies in the city and country were 
forming and learning their exercise, the Governor (Morris) pre- 
vailed with me to take charge of our northwestern frontier which 
was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the in- 
habitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I under- 
took this military business, tho' I did not consider myself well 
qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers and 
a parcel of blank commissions for officers to be given to whom I 
thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon 
five hundred and sixty under my command. !NIy son, who in the 
preceding army had been an officer in the army raised against 


Canada, was my aide-de-camp, and of great use to me. The In- 
dians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, 
and massacred the inhabitants ; but the place was thought a good 
place for one of the forts. In order to march thither I assembled 
the campanies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those peo- 
ple. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; 
the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. 
The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had 
purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York 
and had even placed quantities of small paving stones between the 
windows of their high stone houses for their women to throw 
down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force 
into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch and relieved as 
methodically as in any garrisoned town. In conversation with 
Bishop Spangenberg I mentioned this, my surprise, for, knowing 
they had obtained an act of parliament exempting them from mili- 
tary duties in the colonies, I had supposed they were conscien- 
tiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answered me that it was 
not one of their established principles, but that at the time of their 
obtaining that act it was thought to be a principle with many of 
their people. On this occasion, however, they to their surprise, 
found it adopted by but a few. 

"It was in the beginning of Januarj" when we set out on this 
business of building the forts. I sent one detachment toward the 
Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that 
upper part of the country and another to the lower part with simi- 
lar instructions ; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my 
force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was thought to be more imme- 
diately necessary. The Moravians procured me five wagons for 
our tools, stores and baggage. We had not marched many miles 
before it began to rain, and it continued to rain all clay ; there were 
no habitations on the road to shelter us till we arrived near night 
at the house of a German, where, and in his barn," we were all hud- 
dled together as wet as water could make us. It was well we 
^ere not attacked in our march for our arms were of the most or- 
dinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The 
Indians are dextrous in contrivance for that purpose which we had 

"Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers who had been 
driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me request- 


ing a supply of fire arms that they might go back and fetch off 
their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. 
The day of the rain the Indians met these farmers and killed ten 
of them. The one who escaj^ed informed that his and his com- 
panions guns would not go oflf, the priming being wet with the 

''The next day being fair we continued our march and arrived 
at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw mill near, round 
which were left several piles of boards with which we soon hutted 
ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement sea- 
son, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effect- 
ually the dead we fr)und there who had been half interred by the 
country people. The next morning our fort was planned and 
marked out. the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty- 
five feet, which would require as many palisades to ]ye made of 
trees, one with another of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of 
which we had se\'enty, were immediately set to work to cut down 
trees, and our men being dexterous in the use of them, great 
despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast I had the 
curiosity to look at my watch, when two men began to cut at a 
pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground and I found 
it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades 
of eighteen feet long pointed at the end. While these were 
prei)arin"g our other men dug a trench all around of three feet 
deep, in which the palisades were to be planted, and our wagons, 
the bodies being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separ- 
ated by taking cnit the pin which united the two parts of the 
perch, we had ten carriages with two horses each to bring the 
palisades from the woods to the spot. Then they were set up, 
our carpenters built a stave of lx)ards all around within about 
six feet high for the men t(3 stand on when to fire through 
the loop holes. Our fc^rt, if such a magnificent name may 
be given to so miserable a stockade, was finished in a week, 
though it rained so hard every other day that the men could not 
work. This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient 
defense against the Indians who have no cannon. Finding our- 
selves now securely i)oste(l, and having a place to retreat to on oc- 
casion, we ventured out in parties to scour the adjacent country. 
We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neigh- 
boring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There 


was an art in their contrivance of those places that seems worth 
mention. It being winter a fire was necessary for them ; but a 
common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have 
discovered their jx^sition at a distance. They had, therefore, dug 
holes in the ground alx)ut three feet in diameter, and somewhat 
deeper. We saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the 
charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With 
these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, 
and we observed among the weeds and grass the prints of their 
bodies made by their laying all around with their legs hanging 
down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which with them is an 
essential point. This kind of fire, so managed, could not discover 
them either by its light or smoke.'' 

In a general study of the contest between the French and 
English in America this period is exceedingly interesting. The 
war was mostly on the Canadian border, and on the Ohio, but the 
whole frontier was in a state of insecurity and massacres were 
frequent. Ridpath says : **Such had been the success of France 
during the year that the English had not a single hamlet or for- 
tress remaining in the whole basin of the St. Lawrence. Every 
cabin where English was spoken had l)een swept out of the Ohio 
Valley. At the close of the year 1757, France possessed twenty 
times as much American territory as England, and five times as 
much as England and Spain together. Such had l^een the imbe- 
cility of the English management in America that the flag of 
Great Britain was brought into disgrace." 

There was a change of ministry in England and a change of 
commanders in America, and before two years passed the power 
of the French was broken in America. In regard to the attitude 
of the Indians in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, when the authori- 
ties saw the results of their treatment of the Indians, they sought 
to reconcile matters by a series of conferences, in which they re- 
stored to the Indians their lands and gave them proi)er remunera- 
tion for what they purchased. 

In Smith's History of New Jersey there is the following de- 
scription of the council with the Indians, held in Easton begin- 
ning the 8th of October, 1758, and continuing several days. 

Present — The Honorable \\'illiam Denny, Esq., Lieut. Gov- 
ernor. Lawrence Crowdon, William Logan, Richard Peters, 
L)'nford Lardner, Benjamin Chew, John Mifilin, Esquires, mem- 


bers of the Governor's council. Isaac Norris, Joseph Fox, Joseph 
Galloway, John Hughes, Daniel Roberdeau, Amos Strickland, Es- 
quires, committee of the house of representatives. Charles 
Read, Jacob Spicer, Esquires, commissioners for Indian aflFairs, 
in the province of New Jersey. A number of magistrates and 
freeholders of this and the neighboring province, and of the citi- 
zens of the city of Philadelphia, chiefly of the people called Quak- 
ers. George Croghan, Esquire, deputy agent for Indian affairs 
under Sir William Johnson. Indians of several nations, viz: 

Mohawks: Nichas or Karaghtadie, with one woman and 
two boys. 

Senecas: Tagashata, alias Takeaghsodo, alias Sigachsadon, 
chief man, with seven other chiefs, thirty-seven other men, twen- 
ty-eight women and children. 

Onondagas : Assaradonguas, with nine men and nine women 
and children. 

Oneidas: Segughsonyout, alias Thomas King, Anagarag- 
hiry, Assanyquou, with three warriors or captains, six warriors 
and thirty-three women and children. 

Cayugas : Tokaaio, with eight men, eleven women and chil- 

Tuscaroras: Xichaquanataquoah, alias Jonathan, with five 
men, twelve women and two children. 

Xanticokes: Robert White, alias Wolahocumy, Pashdomo- 
kas, alias Charles, with sixteen men, twenty w^omen and eighteen 

Conoys : Kanakt, alias Last Xight, with nine men ten wo- 
men and one child. 

Tutelos : Cakanonekoanos, alias Big Arm, Asswagarat, with 
six men and three women. 

Chagnots : Ten men, twenty women and children. 
Chihohockies : Alias Delawares and Unamies : Teedyuscung 
with divers men, women and children to the number of sixty. 

^lunsies or ^linisinks : Kgotchowen, with sundry men, wo- 
men and children numbering thirty-five. 

Mawhickons: Abraham or jMammatuckan, with men, wo- 
men and children numbering fifty-six. 

\\'awpingsor Pompti )ns : Ximham, Aquaywochtu, with sun- 
dry men, women and children to the number of forty-seven. In 
all five hundred and seven. 


Conrad Weiser, Esq., Provincial Interpreter; Captain Henry 
Moutour, Interpreter in Six Nation and Delaware languages; 
Stephen Calvin, Isaac Stille, Moses Tetamy, Delaware Indians, 
interpreters in the Delaware language. 

The next conference on the nth, Governor Francis Ber- 
nard, Esq., Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of his Ma- 
esty's province of New Jersey was present. 

Tagashata, the Seneca Chief, intending to speak first, on be- 
half of the Indians, had laid some belts and strings on the table. 
As soon as the company sat down Teedyuscimg, holding out a 
string, said he had something to deliver, and desired he might be 
heard first of all. 

After Governor Bernard had spoken Teedyuscung said: 
"Brethren — I desire all of you who are present will give ear to 
me. As you, my brethren, desired me to call all the nations who 
live back; I have don^ so. Now, if you have anything to say to 
them, or they to you, you must sit and talk together. 

"Brethren, I sit by only to hear and see what you say to one 
another; for I have said what I have to say, to the Governor of 
Pennsylvania who sits here; he knows what has passed l^etween 
us. I have made known to him the reasons why I have struck 
him. Now I and the Governor have made up these diflferences 
between him and me ; and I think we have done it as far as we can 
for our future peace." 

This speech was interpreted in the Six Nation language and 
then Tagashata arose and said : "Brethren, the Governors and 
your Councils : It has pleased the Most High that we meet to- 
gether here with cheerful countenances, and a good deal of satis- 
faction. And as public business requires great consideration, and 
the day is almost spent, I choose to speak early to-morrow morn- 

The Governors answered that they should be glad to give all 
the despatch possible to this good work they were engaged in, and 
desired the chiefs would fix the time of meeting ; but they declined 
Jt. saying, they were unacquainted with hours, but would give no- 
tice when they were ready. 

The next morning when all had assembled Tagashata taking 
the strings and belt of wampum which Governor Bernard gave 
yesterday, repeated, according to the Indian custom, the particu- 
lars of his speech, and then added : "Brethren, we approve of 
^'cry article mentioned to us yesterday by the Governor of Jersey ; 
all that he said is very good. We look upon his message to us 



as a commission, and request from him that we should bring mat- 
ters to a good conclusion with our cousins the Minisinks. They 
themselves sent for us to do the same thing on their behalf; and 
at their request we came here, have taken it in hand, and will use 
our utmost endeavors to bring about the good work which Gov- 
ernor Bernard desires, and do not doubt but that it will be done 
to his entire satisfaction. Brethren, I now speak at the request of 
Teedyuscung, and our nephews, the Delawares, living at Wyom- 
ink, and on the waters of the river Susquehanna. Brethren, we 
now remove the hatchets out of your heads that was struck into 
it by our cousins, the Delawares. It was a French hatchet that 
they unfortunately made use of, by the instigation of the French. 
We take it out of your heads and bury it under ground, where it 
shall always rest and never be taken up again. Our cousins, the 
Delawares, have assured us they will never think of war against 
their brethren, the English, any more, but employ their thoughts 
about peace, and cultivating friendship with them, and never suf- 
fer enmity against them to enter into their minds again. The 
Delawares desired us to say this for them by this belt. (The 
belt was handed over. ) 

"Brethren, our nephews, the Minisink Indians, and threeother 
different tribes of that nation, have at last listened to us, and taken 
our advice, and laid down the hatchet they had taken up against 
their brethren, the English. They told us they had received it 
from the French, but had already laid it down, and would return 
it to them again. They assured us they would never use it any 
more against you, but would follow our advice, and entreated us 
to use our utmost endeavors to reconcile them to you their breth- 
ren, declaring they were very sorry for what they had done, and 
desired it might be forgotten, and they would forever cultivate a 
good friendship with you. These declarations were made by the 
principal warriors of four tribes of Minisink Indians at giving us 
this belt." (Belt given.) Then taking eight strings of black 
wampum, he continued : "Brethren, we let you know that we 
have not only brought about this union with our nephews on the 
waters of the river v^usquehanna, but we also have sent messages 
to our nephews, the Delawares and Minisinks, and to those like- 
wise of our own nations who are on the Ohio under the influence 
of the French. We have told all those that they must lay down 
the French hatchet, and be reconciled to their brethren, the Eng- 


lish, and never more employ it against them. And we hope they 
will take our advice. We, the Mohawks, Senecas and Onon- 
dagas, deliver this string of wampum, to remove the hatchet out 
of your heads that has been struck into them by the Ohio Indians, 
in order to lay a foundation for peace." 

Tagashata now gave eight strings of wampum and sat down. 
Tokaaio arose and said : **Brethren, I speak in behalf of the 
younger nations, part of and confederated with the Six Nations, 
viz: The Cayugas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Tutuloes, Nanticokes 
and Conoys. A road has been made from our country to this 
Council fire, that w^e might treat about friendship ; and as we came 
down the road we saw that by some misfortune or other, blood 
has lately been spilt on it. By these strings we make the road 
wider and clearer; we take the blood away out of it and likewise 
out of the Council Chamber, which may have been stained ; we 
wash it all away, and desire it may not be seen any more, and we 
take the hatchet out of your heads. (He here gave three strings 
of wampum. ) 

"Brethren, the Governors and all the English, I now confine 
myself to the Cayugas, my own nation. I will hide nothing from 
you, because we have promised to speak to each other from the 
bottom of our hearts. The French, like a thief in the night, have 
stolen away some of our young men, and misled them, and they 
have been concerned in doing mischief against our brethren, the 
English. We did not know when it happened, but we discovered 
it since. The chiefs of our nation held their young men fast, and 
would not suflfer them to go out of their sight ; but the French 
came and stole them away from us and corrupted them to do mis- 
chief. We are sorry for it; we ask pardon for them, and hope 
you will forgive them. We promise they shall do so no more. 
And now, by this belt, we take out of your heads the hatchet with 
' which they struck you." ( He here gave a belt of ten rows. ) 
I In the conference four days later, Robert White, the Nanti- 

[ coke Chief, arose and said he was going to speak in behalf of 
I seven nations, and directing his discourse to the Governors he 
■ said, in English : "Brethren, it is now more than two years since 
j we heard of our cousins, the Delawares, taking up the hatchet 
against the English. At the first Sir William Johnson sent a 
i niessage to the head nations, and when they received it they sent 
to us at Otsaningo, telling us that as we lived close by our cousins. 


they desired that we would invite them to meet at our town, and 
accordingly we invited them, and they came to a great meeting at 
our town of Otsaningo. We then gave our cousins a belt of a 
fathom long and twenty-five rows in breadth, and desired them to 
lay down the hatchet that they had taken up against the English, 
and to be easy with them. And if they would follow this advice, 
we told them, that they would live in peace until their heads were 
white with age, otherwise it might not be so with them. Not 
hearing from our cousins for some time what they did in conse- 
quence of this belt, we sent to them two other belts, one of six- 
teen, the other of twelve rows, desiring them to once more to be 
easy with their brethren, the English, and not to strike them any 
more. But still we heard nothing from them ; indeed, sometime 
afterward we understood the Delawares should say that the In- 
dians at Otsaningo had grey eyes and were like the English and 
should be served as Englishmen ; and we thought we should have 
had the hatchet struck into our heads. We now want to know 
w^hat has become of these belts; may be they may be under 
ground, or they may have swallowed them down their throats. 
Brethren, as our cousins have been loath to give any answer to 
these belts, we now desire they may let us know in public confer- 
ence what they have done with them." (Here he gave a string 
of wampum.) 

In the conference on the i8th, Nichas the Mohawk, acquaint- 
ed the Governors that as counsellors they had finished, having 
nothing to propose at this present meeting. The warriors were to 
speak now, and Thomas King was appointed to deliver their 
words, who thereupon arose and began with an exhortation as 
well to all concerned in public affairs. Governors and their Coun- 
cils, and Indian Chiefs and their Councils, as to the warriors of 
all nations, white people and Indians, desiring all present to attend 
carefully to what was going to be related as matters of great con- 
sequence, which would serve to regulate the conduct of the Eng- 
lish and the Indians to each other. He added that the relation 
going to be made had taken a great deal of trouble to put it into 
order, and it was made on information given by the several na- 
tions now present, who were acquainted with the facts. 

''Brethren, we. the warriors, have waited some time, in hopes 
our councellors would have taken this matter in hand, but as they 
have not done it, we have, at their desire, undertaken it, and they 


have approved of every thing. I say the councellors of the five 
younger nations, as well as the three older nations, have approved 
of what the warriors are going to relate, and take notice, the 
speech is not only the speech of all the warriors of the elder and 
younger nations, but of our cousins, the Delawares and Minisinks. 
'^Brethren, you have been inquisitive to know the cause of 
this w^ar; you have often inquired among us, hut perhaps you did 
not find out the true cause of the bitterness of our hearts, and 
may charge us wrongfully, and think that you were struck with- 
out a cause by some of our own warriors, and by our cousins. But 
if you look a little about you, you will find that you gave the first 
oflfence. For in time of profound peace, some of the Shawanese, 
passing through South Carolina, to go to war with their enemies, 
were taken up and put into prison. The English knew they were 
going to war, and that they used to do it every year, and yet after 
they had persuaded them in a friendly way into their houses, they 
were taken up and put into prison, and one who was a head man 
of that nation lost his life, and the others were severely used. This 
first raised ill-will in the minds of the Shawanese, and as the 
French came a little while after this happened to settle on the Ohio 
the Shawanese complained of it to them, and they made an artful 
use of it, set them against the English, and gave them the hatchet. 
Being resolved on revenge they accepted it, and likewise spoke to 
their grandfathers, the Delawares, saying, grandfathers, are not 
your hearts sore at our being used so ill, and at the loss of one of 
our chiefs ? Will you not join us in avenging his death ? So by 
degrees our young men were brought over to act against you. On 
searching matters to the bottom you will find that you in this mat- 
ter gave the first offence. This we thought proper to let you 
know. It may be of service for the future. You may be in- 
duced by this to take better care in conducting your council busi- 
ness, so as to guard against these breaches of friendship, or as 
soon as they happen, in corresponding immediately with one an- 
other, and with the Indian nations who are in anywise concerned 
on such occasion. (Here he gave eight strings of black wam- 

"Brethren, this was the case of the Shawanese that I have 
just now related. Another of like nature has since happened to 
the Senecas, who have suffered in the same manner. About three 
years ago eight Seneca warriors were returning from war through 


Virginia, having seven prisoners and scalps with them. At a 
place called Green Briar, they met with a party of soldiers, not 
less than one hundred and fifty, who kindly invited them to come 
to a certain store, and said they would supply them with provis- 
ions. And accordingly they travelled two days with them, in a 
friendly manner, and when they came to the house, they took their 
arms from the Senecas. The head man cried out, *Here is death, 
defend yourselves as well as you can,' which they did, and two of 
them were killed on the spot, and one, a young boy, was taken 
prisoner. This gave great offence, and the more so, as it was 
upon their warriors' road, and we were in perfect peace with our 
brethren. It provoked us to such a degree that we could not get 
over it. 

"Brethren, you have justly demanded your prisoners; it is 
right, and we have given you an answer. And therefore, as we 
think this boy is alive, and somewhere among you, we desire you 
enquire for him. If he be alive return him. If you have swal- 
lowed him down your throats, which perhaps, may be the case, let 
us know it, and we will be content. His name is Squissatego. 
(Here he gave six strings of white wampum.) 

''Brethren, we have one word more to mention of the same 
nature, and which was the very cause why the Indians at the Ohio 
left you. Brethren, when we first heard of the French coming to 
Ohio, we immediately sent word to the Governors of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania ; we desired them to come, and likewise to supply us 
with such things as were proper for war, intending to defend our 
lands, and hinder the French from taking possession of them. 
But these Governors did not attend to our message ; perhaps they 
thought there was no foundation for our intelligence. The 
French, however, came, and became our neighbors, and you 
neither coming yourselves, nor assisting us with warlike stores, 
our people of necessity were obliged to trade with them for what 
we wanted, as your traders had left the country. The Governor 
of Virginia took care to settle on our lands for his own benefit, 
but when we wanted his assistance against the French, he disre- 
garded us. (A belt.) 

'•Brethren, at this treaty you justly demanded to see our 
flesh and blood. We have pressed this on our cousins, the Mini- 
sinks, and they by this string, desired us to assure you, the Gov- 
ernors, that they would make strict search in their towns, and sin- 


cerely comply with your request, and return all the prisoners in 
their power/' (Here he gave two strings of black and white 

Then directing his discourse to the Governor of Jersey, he 
proceeded : 

"Brother, the Governor of Jersey, our cousins, the Minisinks, 
tell us they were wronged out of a great deal of land, and the 
English settling so fast they were pushed back, and could not tell 
what lands belonged to them. They say, if we have been drunk, 
tell us so. We may have forgot what we sold, but we trust to 
you, the Governor of Jersey, to take our cause in hand, and see 
that we have justice done us. We say that we have here and 
there tracts of land that have never been sold. You deal hardly 
with us ; you claim all the wild creatures, and will not let us come 
on your land to hunt after them. You will not so much as let us 
peel a single tree. This is hard and has given us great offence. 
The cattle you raise are your own, but those which are wild are 
^till ours, or should be common to both: for when we sold the 
land, we did not propose to deprive ourselves of hunting the wild 
deer, or using a stick of wood when we should have occasion. We 
desire the Governor to take this matter into his care and see that 
justice be done to it." (He here gave two strings of white w^am- 

In the conference on October 26th the following speech was 
delivered by the members of the Pennsylvania Council and 
agreed to by Governor Bernard. 

"Brethren, as we have now settled all differences, and con- 
firmed the ancient leagues of amity, and brightened the chain of 
friendship, we now clean the blood off your council seats, and put 
them in order, that when you hold councils at home, you may sit 
in your seats with the same peace and tranquility as you used to 
do. (A string consisting of a thousand grains of wampum.) 

"Brethren, with this string of wampum we console with you 
for the loss of your wise men, and for the warriors that have been 
killed in these troublesome times, and likewise for your women 
and children, and we cover their graves decently agreeable to the 
custom of your forefathers. (A string of a thousand grains of 
wampum. ) 

"Brethren, we disperse the dark clouds that have hung over 
our heads, during these troubles, that we may see the sun clear. 


and look on each other with the cheerfulness our forefathers did." 
(A string of a thousand grains of wampum.) 

More belts were exchanged, and deeds were delivered and 
after some more addresses and drinking mutual healths with wine 
and punch, the conferences were concluded to the satisfaction of 

This council was an affair of the greatest importance to the 
colony, and to all who were interested in the security of the fron- 
tier. The people came from every direction to see the famous 
warriors and to hear them speak. Some of these warriors were 
well known to the Antes brothers, through the meetings previous- 
ly held at Bethlehem. Interested as they were, personally, in 
many of the people who had been sufferers from the ravages of the 
Indians, they would be the more likely now to attend and hear the 
explanation the Indians would give of their ferocious conduct. 

For Henry Antes it was a fine opportunity to study Indian 
character when appearing in the defence of their rights as pos- 
sessors of the land which had always been their hunting grounds.. 
These warriors were not now in the attitude in which he had seen 
them when seeking the friendly hospitality of the Brethren in 
Bethlehem. Then they were pleasant, and gentle, and truculent 
as beggars, but now they were in all their dignity as the represen- 
tatives of their people. They were not children, nor were they 
suppliants, but as equals meeting the pomp and ceremony of the 
white men with the grace and majesty that the freedom of the for- 
ests and the solemnity of the council chamber gave them. 

The peace, however, was not destined to be of long duration. 

Ridpath says: ''No sooner were the English in complete 
possession of the country than they began by neglect and ill- 
treatment to excite the dormant passions of the Red men. Dur- 
ing the progress of the war the Indians had been completely sub- 
ordinated by French influence, and the English were hated with 
all the ferocity of the savage nature. It was not long till there 
were mutterings of an outbreak. The tribes could not be made 
to comprehend that Canada had been finally taken from their 
friends, the French. They confidently exi)ected the day when 
the King of France should send new armies and expel the detest- 
ed Rnglish. Infatuated with this belief, instigated by the French 
themselves, and stung by many insults, real and imaginary, the 
warriors began their usual atrocities on the frontiers. In the 


summer of 1761, the Senecas conspired with the Wyandotts to 
capture Detroit by treachery, and massacre the garrison, and the 
plot was barely thwarted by Colonel Campbell, the commandant. 
In the following summer another attempt of a similar sort was 
discovered and defeated. It was in this condition of affairs that 
the celebrated Pontiac came forward and organized the most far- 
reaching and dangerous conspiracy ever known among the Indian 
tribes of America.'' 

So far as the effect of this war was felt in Pennsylvania the 
following will indicate : 

"The Indians around the great lakes, and on the Ohio, had 
cheerfully connived at the establishment of the French chain of 
forts from Prescue Isle totheMonongahela,so long as they proved 
an obstacle to the encroachments of the English ; but they now saw 
the English in the possession of Canada, and this same chain of 
forts occupied as outposts from which further encroachments 
might be made toward the west. The forts themselves were an 
intrusion, for the lands upon which they stood had never yet been 
purchased from the Indians, or, if purchased, had been restored. 
The boundary of Indian purchases was still more than a hundred 
miles nearer the Atlantic. Other settlements, too, were built on 
the Susquehanna on Indian lands. The great Pontiac had con- 
ceived the gigantic plan of uniting all the northwestern tribes in a 
simultaneous and vigorous attack upon the whole frontier. Ut- 
ter extermination was their object. The forts were to be taken 
by stratagem, by separate parties on the same day. The border 
settlements were to be invaded during harvest, and men, crops, 
cattle and cabins were to be destroyed. The English traders 
among the Indians were the first victims ; out of one hundred and 
twenty, only two or three escaped. The frontier settlements 
among and near the mountains were overrun with scalping par- 
ties marking their track with blood and fire. Consternation 
spread throughout all the settlements on the Juniata and the Sus- 
quehanna, and the dismayed inhabitants with their children and 
flocks sought shelter at Shippensburg, Carlisle, Lancaster and 
Reading. The garrison at Fort Augusta was reinforced, and 
Colonel Armstrong with about three hundred volunteers from 
Cumberland and Bedford counties went up the Susquehanna and 
routed several parties of hostile Indians." 

This was followed by the general uprising of the settlers 


known as Paxton Boys, who because of the slowness of the au- 
thorities to afford them adequate protection took the matter in 
their own hands and proceeded to murder all Indians, peaceful or 
otherwise, upon whom they could lay their hands. 



HOW DIFFERENTLY the red man appeared to the white 
men of his day, as they struggled for the possession of 
the forests and streams of this beautiful land, from what 
the historian or the kindly disposed lover of humanity pictures 
him in this day. Logan in peace seems to be a creature impossi- 
ble to transform into the demon known as Logan in war. It 
seems equally impossible to transform the peaceful settlers along 
the Susquehanna, as known to-day, into the fiends known as the 
Paxton Boys. There was a great deal of attractiveness in the 
home life of the Indians before they came in contact with the 
vices of the white men. They were truthful and brave. They 
loved their families and lived happily. But contact with the 
^whites demoralized them and they rapidly descended to a lower 
level of life. When they were deprived of their lands, they be- 
gan to show the bloodthirstiness of their natures. The awful fe- 
rocity they exhibited in the Wyoming Valley was revenge for the 
loss of their lands. When they were filled with rum they reveal- 
ed the beastliness into which they could fall. The Moravians 
were the means of their showing the noble and faithful consecra- 
tion they were capable of when following the Lord Jesus Christ. 
What a misfortune it was that they were not christianized instead 
of being degraded by the white man's vices. We are not in doubt 
of the attractive features of their forest life, because there are 
many witnesses who have told us the particulars of it. From 
some of these, who are indisputable witnesses, w^e will now quote : 
We will begin with their homes: **The bark they make 
their cabins with is generally cedar red, or white, or cypress. 
Sometimes when they are a great way from these woods they use 
pine bark. In building they get very long poles of any wood 
that will bend, which they strip of the bark, and warm them well 
in the fire, which makes them tough and fit to bend. Afterwards 
they stick the thickest ends of them in the ground, about two 


yards asunder, in a circular form, the distance they design the 
wigwam to be, then they bend the tops and bring them together, 
and bind their ends with bark of trees that is proper for that use 
as elm is, or sometimes the moss that grows on trees ; then they 
brace them with poles to make them strong; afterwards cover 
them all over with bark so that they are very warm and tight, and 
will keep firm against all the weathers that blow. They have 
other sorts of cabins, without windows, which are for their gran- 
aries, skins, merchandise, and others that are covered over head, 
the rest left open for the air. These have reed hurdles like tables, 
to lie and sit on in summer, and serve for pleasant banqueting 
houses in the hot season of the year. The cabins they dwell in 
have benches all around, except where the door stands, on these 
they lay the skin of beasts, and mats made of rushes, whereon 
they sleep and loll. In one of these several families commonly 
live, though all related to one another. 

'*The domestic economy of the Indians required implements 
to perform the arts which we express by the words sewing and 
weaving. The awl and needle were made from various species of 
animal bones of the land and the water. The larger awl, used to 
perforate bark, in sewing together the sheathing of the northern 
canoe, made from the rind of the betula, was squared and 
brought to a tapering point. A very close grained and compact 
species of bone was employed for the fine lodge awl, used for sew- 
ing dressed skins for garments. After this skin had been perfor- 
ated a thread of deer's sinew was drawn through from the eye of 
a slender bone needle. There was besides this a species of shut- 
tle of bone which was passed backwards and forwards in intro- 
ducing the bark woof of mats and bags ; two kinds of articles, the 
work of which was commonly made from the larger bulrush. It 
was only necessary to exhibit the square and round awl, and gross 
and fine needle of steel, to supersede these primitive and rude 
modes of seamstress work and weaving. 

"Amulets, and neck, head and ear ornaments, constituted a 
very ancient and important department in the arcanum of the In- 
dian wardrobe. They were also connected with his superstitions 
and were a part of the external system of his religion. Those 
who believed in witchcraft wore them as charms. They were 
among the most cherished and valued articles he could possibly 
possess. They were sought after with great avidity at high 


prices, and after having served their office of warding off evil 
while he lived, they were deposited in his grave at death. Bones, 
shells, carved stones, gems, claws and hoofs of animals, feathers 
of camiverous birds, and above all, the skin of the serpent, were 
cherished with the utmost care and regarded with the utmost ven- 
eration. To be decked with suitable amulets was to him to be in- 
vested with a charmed life. They added to his feeling of secur- 
ity, and satisfaction in his daily avocations, and gave him new 
courage in war. 

*'But if such were the influence of pendants, shells, beads and 
other amulets, and ornaments, inspired by children who saw and 
heard what their parents prized, this influence took a deeper hold 
of their minds at and after the period of the virile fast, when the 
power of dreams and visions was added to the sum of their ex- 
perimental knowledge of divine things, so to call them. 

"To fix it still stronger, the Indian system of medicine, which 
admits the power of necromancy, lent its aid. And thus long be- 
fore the period which the civilized code has fixed on to determine 
man's legal acts, the aboriginal man was fixed, and grounded, and 
educated in the doctrine of charms, talismans and amulets. 

"The principal food of the Indians consists of the game 
which they take or kill in the woods, the fish out of the waters, 
and the maize, beans, pumpkins, squashes, cucumbers, melons, and 
occasionally cabbage and turnips, which they raise in their fields. 
They make use also of various roots of plants, fruits, nuts and ber- 
ries out of the woods by way of relish, or as seasoning, sometimes 
also from necessity. They commonly make two meals aday, which 
they say is enough. The hunter prefers going out with his gun 
on an empty stomach ; he says that hunger stimulates him to ex- 
ertion, by reminding him continually of his wants, whereas a full 
stomach makes a hunter easy, careless and lazy, ever thinking of 
his home, and losing his time to no purpose. With all their in- 
dustry, nevertheless, many a day passes over their heads that they 
have not met with any kind of game, nor consequently, tasted a 
morsel of victuals; still they go on with their chase, in hopes of 
being able to carry some provision home, and do not give up the 
pursuit until it is so dark they can no longer see. The morning 
and evening are the precious hours for the hunter. They lose 
nothing by sleeping in the middle of the day, that is, between ten 
A. M. and four P. M. The hunter who has no meat in the house. 


will be ofif and in the woods before daylight, and strive to be in 
again before breakfast with a deer, turkey, goose, bear or raccoon, 
or some other game then in season. Meanwhile his wife has 
pounded her corn, now boiling on the fire, and baked her bread, 
which gives them a good breakfast. If the husband is not re- 
turned by ten o'clock, the family take their meal by themselves, 
and his share is put aside for him when he comes. 

"The Indians have a number of ways of preparing corn. 
They make a pottage of it by boiling it with fresh or dried meat, 
the latter pounded, dried pumpkins, dry beans and chestnuts. 
They sometimes sweeten it with sugar or syrup from the maple 
trees. Another dish is boiling with the corn the washed kernels 
of the shellbark. They pound the nuts in a mortar, pouring a lit- 
tle warm water on them, gradually, as they become dry, until, at 
last, there is a sufiicient quantity of water so that by stirring up 
the pounded nuts, the broken shells separate from the liquor, 
which from the pounded kernels assumes the appearance of milk. 
This being put into the kettle, and mixed with the pottage, gives 
it a rich and agreeable flavor. 

'*They also prepared a variety of dishes from the pumpkin, 
the squash and the green French or kidney beans; they are very 
particular in their choice of pumpkins and squashes, and in their 
manner of preparing them. The less water put to them the bet- 
ter, and best of all to be steamed in their own sap. They cover 
up the pots in which they cook them with large leaves of the 
pumpkin vine, cabbages or other leaves of the larger kind. They 
make an excellent preserve from the cranberry and crab apple, to 
which, after it has been well stewed, they add a proper quantity of 
sugar or molasses. Their bread is of two kinds; one made of 
green corn while in the milk, and another of the same grain when 
fully ripe and quite dry. This last is pounded as fine as possible, 
then sifted and kneeded into dough, and afterwards made up into 
cakes of six inches diameter and about an inch in thickness round- 
ed off on the edge. In baking these cakes they are extremely 
particular: the ashes must be clean and hot, and, if possible, come 
out of a good dry oak bark, w^hich they say gives a brisk and dura- 
ble heat. In the dough of this kind of bread, they frequently 
mix boiled pumpkins, green or dried beans, or well paired chest- 
nuts boiled in the same manner, dried venison well pounded, 
whortle berries, green or drv', but not boiled, sugar and other pal- 


atable ingredients. For the other kind of bread the green corn is 
either pounded or mashed, and put in broad green corn blades, 
generally filled in with a ladle well wrapped up, and baked in the 
ashes like the other. This is a very sweet and delicate morsel. 
Their Psindamocan or Tassamanane, as they call it, is the most 
nourishing and durable food made out of the Indian corn. The 
blue sweetish kind is what they prefer for that purpose. They 
parch it in clean hot ashes until it bursts, it is then sifted, and 
cleaned, and pounded in a mortar into a kind of flour, and when 
they wish to make- it very good they mix some sugar with it. 
When w^anted for use they take about a tablespoonful of this flour 
in their mouths, then stooping to the river, or brook, drink water 
to it. If, however, they have a cup they put the flour in it, and 
mix it with water in the proportion of one tablespoonful to a pint. 
At their camps they will put a small quantity in a kettle with water 
and let it boil down, and they will have a thick pottage. With 
this food the traveller and warrior will set out on long journevs 
and expeditions, and as a little of it will serve them for a day, 
they have not a heavy load of provisions to carry. More than 
one or two spoonfuls at one meal is dangerous, for it is apt 
to swell in the stomach or bowels, as w^hen heated over a fire. 
Their meat they either boil, roast or broil. Their roasting is 
done by running a wooden spit through the meat, sharpened at 
each end, which they place near the fire and occasionally turn. 
They broil on clean coals drawn off from the fire for that pur- 
pose. They often laugh at the white hunters for baking their 
bread in dirty ashes, and being alike careless of cleanliness when 
they broil their meat. They are fond of dried venison pounded 
in a mortar and dipped in bear's oil. The Delawares, Mohicans 
and Shawanese are very particular in their choice of meats, and 
nothing short of the most pressing hunger can induce them to eat 
of certain animals, such as the horse, dog, wild cat, panther, fox, 
muskrat. wolf, &c. There was but little of the animal life in the 
forest or in the waters but what w^as used as food by the Indians. 
Young wasps white in the comb were regarded as a dainty mor- 
sel. Fawns in the womb were esteemed a great delicacy. Be- 
sides the common fruits and vegetables, the tuberous roots of the 
smilax were dug up and while still fresh and full of juice were 
chopped up and macerated well in wooden mortars. When thor- 
oughly beaten, this pulpy mass was put in earthen vessels contain- 


ing clean water. Here it was stirred with wooden paddles, or 
with the hands. The Hghter particles floating on the top were 
poured off. A farinaceous matter was left at the bottom of the 
vessel, which, when taken out and dried, remained an impalpable 
powder or farina of a reddish color. Boiled in water this pow- 
der formed a beautiful jelly, which, when sweetened, was both 
agreeable and nourishing. In combination with com flour and 
when fried in fresh bear's grease it made excellent fritters. 

^'Walnuts and hickory nuts were diligently collected, cracked 
and boiled in vessels, when the oil, which rose to the surface, was 
skimmed off and carefully preserved in covered earthen jars. 
This oil was highly esteemed in the preparation of corn cakes. 
Of the seeds of the sunflower they also made bread. The amex- 
ias was freely eaten and ripe persimmons were pressed into cakes 
and stored away for consumption during the winter months. 
Grapes were dried in the sun and collected in the public and pri- 
vate storehouses. Wild honey was also gathered. Captain Ro- 
mans asserts that the Indians never ate salt meats or boiled their 
food with salt. Yet they iised salt in abundance." 

Preparation of skins: "They first soaked them in water. 
The hair was then removed by the aid of a bone or stone scraper. 
Deer's brains were next dissolved in water, and in this mixture 
the skins were allowed to remain until they became thoroughly 
saturated. They were then gently dried, and while drying were 
continually worked by hand and scraped with an oyster shell, or 
some suitable stone implement, to free them from every impurity 
and render them soft and pliable. In order that they might not 
become hard, when exposed to rain, they were cured in smoke, 
and tanned with the bark of trees. Young Indian corn beaten to 
a pulp answered the same purpose as the deer's brains." 

Captain John Smith's description of Indian costumes : "For 
their apparel they are sometimes covered with the skins of wild 
beasts, which in winter are dressed with the hair, but in summer 
without. The better sort use large mantels of deer skins, not 
much differing in fashion from the Irish mantles. Some em- 
broidered with white beads, some with copper, others painted 
after their manner. 

"Rut the common sort have scarce to cover their nakedness 
but with grass, the leaves of trees, and the like. We have seen 
some mantels made of turkey feathers so prettily wrought and 


woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feath- 
ers. That was exceeding warm and handsome. But the women 
are always covered about their loins with a skin, and very shame- 
fast to be seen bare. They adorn themselves most with copper 
beads and paintings. Some have their legs, hands, breast and 
face cunningly embroidered with diverse works as beasts, ser- 
pents, artificially wrought into their flesh with black spots. In 
each ear they commonly have three great holes whereat they hang 
chains, bracelets or copper. Some of the men wear in those holes 
a small green and yellow colored snake nearly half a yard in 
length, which crawling and lapping itself about his neck often- 
times would familiarly kiss his lips. Others wore a dead rat tied 
by the tail. Some on their heads wear the wing of a bird or some 
large feather with a rattle. Those rattles are somewhat the shape 
of a rapier but less, which they take from the tail of a snake. 
Many have the whole skin of a hawk or some strange fowl stuflfed 
with the wings abroad. Others, a broad piece of copper, and 
some the hand of their enemy dried. Their heads and shoulders 
are painted red with the root pocone brayed to powder mixed 
with oil ; this they hold in summer to preserve them from the heat, 
and in winter from the cold. Many other forms of painting they 
use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to be- 

"The cloaks of the women were made of the bark of the mul- 
berry tree, or of the feathers of swans, ducks and turkeys. The 
bark of young mulberry shoots were first dried in the sun and then 
beaten so as to cause all the woody parts to fall oflf. The remain- 
ing threads were then beaten the second time, and bleached by ex- 
posure to the dew. When well whitened they were spun and 
twisted into thread. Garments were woven in the following 
manner: Two stakes were planted in the ground about a yard 
^d a half a part. A cord was then stretched from one to the 
other, to which were fastened double threads of bark. By hand 
other threads were curiously interwoven so as in the end to form 
a cloak about a yard square with wrought borders about the 

"Young men vied with one another in the decorations upon 
their vestments, painting themselves profusely with vermillion, 
wearing bracelets of the ribs of deer, softened in boiling water, 
tben bent into the required shape and finally polished so that they 



resembled ivory, fancy necklaces like the women, carrying fans in 
their hands, clipping oflf the hair from the crowns of their heads 
and substituting a piece of swan's skin with the down upon it, fas- 
tening the finest white feathers to the hairs which remained, and 
suffering a part of their hair to grow long so that they could 
w^eave it into a cue hanging over the left ear. The dress of the 
Indians in peace and w^ar is quite different. When they go to 
war their hair is combed out by the women and done over very 
much with bear's grease and red root, with feathers, wings, rings, 
copper and paak or wampum in their ears. They buy vermillion 
of the Indian traders, wherewith they paint their faces all over 
red, and commonly make a circle of black about one eye and an- 
other circle of white about the other, whilst others bedaub their 
faces with tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead and divers 
other colors, which they make with the several sorts of minerals 
and earths which they get in different parts of the country where 
they hunt and travel. When they are thus painted they make the 
most frightful figures that can be imitated by men, and seem more 
like devils than human beings. In all the hostilities against the 
English at any time, the savages always appeared in this dis- 
guise, whereby they might never after be discovered or known by 
any of the Christians that should happen to see them after they 
had made their escape : for it is impossible ever to know an Indian 
under these colors, although he had been at your house a thousand 
times. As for their women they never paint their faces. 

**In ancient times the dress of the Indians was made of the 
skins of animals, and feathers. This clothing they say was not 
only warmer, but lasted much longer than any woolen goods pur- 
chased of the white people. They can dress any skin, even that of 
the buffalo, so that it becomes quite soft and supple, and a good 
buffalo or bear skin blanket will serve them many years \vithout 
wearing out. Beaver and raccoon skin blankets are also pliant, 
warm and durable. They sew together as many of these skins as 
are necessary, carefully setting the hair, or fur, all the same way, 
so that the blanket or covering be smooth, and the rain do not 
penetrate, but run off. In wearing these fur blankets, they are 
regulated by the weather. If it is cold and dry, the fur is placed 
next the body, but in warm and wet weather they have it outside. 
Some made themselves frocks of fine fur, and the women's petti- 
coats in the winter season were also made of them, otherwise of 


dressed deer skin, the same as their shirts, leggings and shoes. 
They say that shoes made of dressed bear skin with the hair on, 
and turned inside, are very warm, and in dry weather, durable. 
With the large rib bones of the elk and buffalo, they shaved the 
hair off the skins they dressed, and even now they say that they 
can clean a skin as well with a well prepared rib bone as with a 
knife. The blankets made from feathers were also warm and 
durable. They were the work of the women, particularly of the 
old, who delight in such work, and indeed in any work which 
shows that they are able to do their part and be useful to society. 
It requires great patience, being the most tedious kind of work I 
have ever seen them perform, yet they do it in a most ingenious 
manner. The feathers, generally those of the turkey and goose, 
are so curiously arranged and interwoven together with threads 
or twine, which they prepare from the rind or bark of the wild 
hemp and nettle, that ingenuity and skill cannot be denied them. 
They show the same talent in making their 'Happis,' the bands 
with which they carry their bags and other burdens. They make 
these very strong and lasting. The present dress of the Indians 
is well known to consist in blankets, plain or ruffled shirts, and 
leggings for the men, and petticoats for the women, made of cloth, 
generally red, blue or black. The wealthy adorn themselves be- 
sides wnth ribbons and garterings of various colors, beads and sil- 
ver broaches. These ornaments are arranged by the women, 
who, as well as the men, know how to dress themselves in style. 
Those of the men principally consist in the painting of themselves, 
their head and face principally, shaving, of good clean garments, 
silver arm spangles and breast plates, and a Mi or two of wam- 
pum hanging to their necks. The women, at the expense of their 
husbands or lovers, line their petticoat and blue or scarlet cloth 
blanket or covering, with choice ribbons of various colors or with 
garterings on which they fix a number of silver broaches or small 
round buckles. They adorn their leggings in the same manner 
with colored porcupine quills, and arc besides almost entirely cov- 
ered with trinkets. They have, moreover, a number of little bells 
and brass thimbles fixed around their ankles, which, when they 
walk, make a tinkling noise which is heard at some distance; this 
is intended to draw the attention of those who pass by, that they 
may look at and admire them. The women make use of vermil- 
lion in painting themselves for dances, but they are very careful 


and circumspect in ai)plying the paint, so that it does not offend 
or create suspicion in their husbands ; there is a mode of painting 
which is left entirely to loose women and prostitutes. 

*'The men have deer's claws fixed to their braced garters or 
knee bands, and also to their shoes, for they consider jingling and 
rattling as indispensably necessary to their performances in the 
way of dancing. 

**The notion that the Indians are beardless by nature and have 
no hair on their bodies is now laid aside; they pluck out their 
beards with tweezers made expressly for that purpose. Before 
the Europeans came, their apparatus for performing this work 
consisted of a pair of muscle shells sharpened on a gritty stone 
somewhat like pincers. But now they always carry with them 
brass wire tweezers, and when at leisure pluck out their beards or 
the hair above their foreheads. The principal reason which they 
give for doing this is, that they may have a clean skin to lay the 
paint on when they dress for their festivals and dances, and to fa- 
cilitate the tattooing, a custom formerly much in use amongst 
them, especially with those who had distinguished themselves by 
their valor and acquired celebrity. They say that either painting 
or tattooing on a hairy face or body would appear disgusting." 

Indian Pottery, 

In manufacturing their pottery for cooking and domestic 
purposes, they collect tough clay, beat it into ix)wder, temper it 
with water, and then spread it over blocks of wood w-hich have 
been formed into shapes to suit their convenience or fancy. 
When sufficiently dry they are removed from the moulds, placed 
in proper situations, and burned to a hardness suitable to their in- 
tended uses. Ornamentation was accomplished in one of the fol- 
lowing ways : 

1. By modelling the vessel inside of a network, rush-basket, 
or frame made of twigs or split cane, or within a gourd, or over 
blocks of wood, or forms of dried clay. It seems, moreover, from 
the delicacy of some of the imi)ressions, that a sort of cloth must 
have been first spread against the sides of the enclosing basket or 
framework, before the clay was put in and pressed against it. 
Pcrhajxs, in some instances, the interior walls of the gourd may 
have been carved, so as to leave raised figures and lines upon the 
vessel moulded within it. 

2. By shaping the kneeded clay into the desired form, with 


Specimens of Pottery from the coUectioD of J. M. M. Gernard, 

Muncy, Pa. 


the hand, leaving the outer surface smooth, and, when the pot was 
dry, with a sharp flint-flake or bone carving straight, curved and 
zigzag Hues w^ith greater or less uniformity according to the care, 
patience and skill of the artificer. 

3. The circular and semi-circular depressions — with or with- 
out elevated centers — could have been made by means of a hollow 
reed cut off at or near a joint, as might indicate the artist's pres- 
ent fancy. It is not improbable that some of the indentations 
formed while the clay was still in a plastic state, were done with 
the finger nail, which the Indians, in some cases, and for certain 
purposes, permitted to grow very long. Lines were impressed 
with the aid of a thong, while the more complicated figures may 
have been perpetuated with the assistance of a wooden or soap- 
stone die, in which the desired pattern was cut. Repeated appli- 
cations of the same die to all the exterior portions of the vessel 
gave a uniform ornamentation. The use of several dies of differ- 
ent designs materially enhanced the variety. 

4. Frequently raised mouldings near the rims, and elevated 
ornaments were added while the vessel was still soft, and when 
the adhesion of these new parts could be readily compassed. 

5. The sides of the vessels were sometimes beautified by the 
insertion of diamond and square-shaped parallelogramic and cir- 
cular pieces of mica and shell. Over the edges of these inserted 
or impressed ornaments the clay was slightly curved, so that when 
the ware was thoroughly dry, these pieces of mica and shell re- 
mained permanently imbedded. 

6. The ornamentation of this earthenware was further ac- 
complished by means of red, blue and black pigment. 

When completed the newly-formed vessel was either exposed 
in the sun, baked .in a kiln or open fire, or inverted over burning 
coals of some hard wood, such as oak or hickory, piled up so as to 
fill as nearly as possible the whole interior. In the manner last 
mentioned was the baking process often conducted, the bed of 
coals being at intervals renewed, and arranged in conical form, so 
as to distribute the heat equally to every part of the pot. So in- 
tense at times was the heat employed, that tlie vessel glowed, and 
a fusion of the particles on the inner surface occurred. When 
suflficiently baked, the vessel was allowed to cool gradually, in its 
hardened condition permanently retaining the impressions which 
had at first been made upon its plastic form. 


Shad Fishing, 

When the shad fish come up the rivers the Indians run up a 
dam of stones across the stream where its depth will admit of it, 
not on a straight line but in two parts verging towards each other 
in an angle. An opening is left in the middle for the water to 
run off. At this opening they place a large box, the bottom of 
which is full of holes. They then make a rope of the twigs of the 
wild vine, reaching across the stream upon which boughs of about 
six feet in length are fastened at the distance of about two fath- 
oms from each other. A party is detached about a mile above 
the dam with this rope and its appendages, who begin to move 
gently down the current some guiding one, some the opposite end, 
while others keep the branches from sinking by supporting the 
rope in the middle with wooden forks. Thus they proceed fright- 
ening the fishes into the opening left in the middle of the dam, 
where a numl>er of Indians are placed on each side, who, stand- 
ing upon the two legs of the angles drive the fish with poles and 
an hideous noise through the opening into the above mentioned 
box or chest. There they lie, the water running off through the 
holes in the bottom, and other Indians stationed on either side of 
the chest take them out, kill them, and fill their canoes. 

Another method of fishing is as follows: When they see 
large fish near the surface of the water, they fire directly upon 
them, sometimes only with powder, which noise and surprise, 
however, so stupifics them that they instantly turn up their bellies 
and float atop, when the fishermen secure them. If they shoot at 
fish not deep in the water either with an arrow or a bullet, they 
aim at tlie lower part of the belly if they are near; and lower in 
like manner according to the distance, which seldom fails of kill- 
ing. In a dry summer season they gather horse chestnuts and 
different sorts of roots, which having pounded pretty fine and 
steeped a while in a trough, they scatter this mixture over the sur- 
face of a middle-sized pond, and stir it about with poles, till the 
water is sufficiently impregnated with the intoxicating bittern. 
The fish are soon inebriated, and make to the surface of the water 
with their bellies uppermost. The fishers gather them in baskets 
and barbecue the largest, covering them carefully over at night to 
preserve them from the supposed putrifying influence of the moon. 
It seems that fish caught in this manner are not poisoned, but only 


stupified ; for they prove very wholesome food. When they are 
speedily moved into good water they revive in a few minutes. 

Indian Games — Chungke. 

"They have a square piece of ground well cleaned and with 
white sand carefully strewed over it when requisite, to promote a 
swifter motion to what they throw along the surface. Only one 
or two on a side play this game. They have a stone about two 
inches broad at the edge, and two spans round ; each party has a 
pole of about eight feet long, smooth and tapering at each end, 
the points flat. They set off abreast of each other at six yards 
from the end of the playground ; then one of them hurls the stone 
on its edge in as direct a line as he can a considerable distance to- 
ward the middle of the other end of the square. When they have 
run a few yards each darts his pole, annointed with bear's oil, with 
a proper force, as near as he can guess, in proportion to the mo- 
tion of the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone. When 
this is the case the person counts two of the game, and in propor- 
tion to the nearness of the poles to the mark, one is counted, un- 
less l)y measuring both are found to be at an equal distance from 
the stone. In this manner the players will keep running most of 
the day at half speed under the violent heat of the sun, staking 
their silver ornaments, their nose, finger and ear rings, their 
breast, arm and wTist plates, and even all their wearing apparel, 
except that which barely covers their loins. The hurling stones 
were rubbed smooth on the rocks and with prodigious labor : they 
are kept with the strictest religious care from one generation to 
another, and are exempted from being buried with the dead. They 
belong to the town, where they are used and are. carefully pre- 

Indian Dances, 

"Mr. Bartram asserts that the Southern Indians were all 
fond of music and dancing, the music being both vocal and in- 
strumental. Among the musical instruments he enumerates the 
tambour, the rattle gourd, and a kind of flute made of the joint of 
a reed, or of a deer's tibia. The last he pronounces a howling in- 
strument, producing, instead of harmony, a hideous melancholy 
discord. With the tamlx)ur and rattle, however, accompanied 
by sweet low voices, he confesses himself well pleased. These 


gourd rattles contained corn, beans or small pebbles, and were 
shaken l)y hand or struck against the ornamental posts which 
marked tlic (lancing ring, in exact time with the movements of 
the performers. Large earthen pots, tightly covered with dress- 
ed deer skin, answered as drums. The shells of terrapins were 
also fastened to the ankles, or suspended from the waist belts. 
These being partially filled with small stones or beans, with every 
motion of the lx)dy gave utterance to rattling sounds. The 
leather stockings of the young dancing women of the Creeks were 
hung full of the hoofs of the roe-deer in form of bells, in so much 
as to make them sound exactly like castagnettes. Captain Ro- 
mans counted four hundred and ninety-three of these horn bells 
attached to one pair of stockings. Nine women, whose hose was 
similarly furnished, were present at the dance. Allowing the 
same number of these tinkling ornaments to each, one thousand 
one hundred and ten decrs must have been killed to furnish them. 
These musical instruments were sui)plemented by voices plaintive 
or vehement, slow or rapid, as best accorded with the character of 
the dance. Their songs, whether of war, or devotion, harvest or 
hunting, consisted of but few words and scanty intonations re- 
peated in the most monotonous way. In the vicinity of the vil- 
lage was a spot specially prepared for, and devoted to the dance. 
Here a fire was nightly kindled, and all who had a mind to be 
merry assembled each evening. The place was a level spot in the 
midst of a broad plain, circular in shape, about which are planted 
in the ground posts carved with heads like the faces of nuns cov- 
ered with their veils, the center being occupied by three of the 
fairest virgins of the company, which, embracing one another, do, 
as it were, turn about in their dancing. Around these, and follow- 
ing the line of the posts, fancifully attired and bearing in their 
hands the branches of trees and gourd rattles, with which they 
keej) time by striking them against the posts, are, wildly singing 
and dancing in the cool of the evening, the natives assembled for 
the celebration of their solemn feasts. 

**]Many of these dances were of a purely social character and 
were i)articipated in every night by way of amusement. Others 
were designated by violent exercise to prei)are the actors to en- 
dure fatigue and imi)rove their wind. Others still were had in 
commemoration of war, of ])eace and of hunting. Others in the 
early spring, when the seed was sown, others when the harvest 


was ended; others — wild and terrible — in presence of captured 
victims, doomed to torture and death ; while others, with slow and 
solemn movement, and carefully observed ceremonies, were con- 
ducted in honor of some religious festival. Every occasion was 
provocative of this amusement. The most admired and prac- 
tised step is a slow, shufflings, alternate step ; both feet move for- 
ward, one after the other, in opposite circles; first a circle of 
young men, and within, a circle of young women moving together 
opposite ways, the men with the course of the sun, and the females 
contrary to it; the men strike their arm with the open hand, and 
the g^irls clap hands and raise their shrill sweet voices, answering 
an elevated shout of the men at stated times of termination of the 
stanzas ; and the girls perform an interlude or chorus separately. 
To accompany their dances they have songs of different classes as 
martial, bacchanalian, amorous and moral, which seem to be the 
most esteemed and practised, and answer the purpose of religious 

"The occasion of which they availed themselves to perform 
the ceremonyof conferring upon young Morris his new name, was 
a religious observance when the whole sixteen hundred Indians 
present at the treaty united in an offering to the moon, then being 
at her full. The ceremonies were performed in the evening. It 
was a clear night and the moon shone with uncommon brilliancy. 
The host of Indians and their neophyte were all seated upon the 
ground in an extended circle on one side of which a large fire was 
kept burning. The aged Cayuga chieftain, Fish-Carrier, who 
was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who had been 
greatly distinguished for his bravery from his youth up, officiated 
as the High Priest of the occasion, making a long speech to the 
luminary, occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire as incense. 
On the conclusion of the address, the whole assembly prostrated 
themselves upon the bosom of their parent earth, and a grunting 
sound of approbation was uttered from mouth to mouth around 
the entire circle. At a short distance from the fire a post had been 
planted in the earth — iiltended to represent the stake of torture to 
which captives are bound for execution. After the ceremonies in 
favor of Madame Luna had been ended, they commenced a war 
dance around the post, and the spectacle must have been as pic- 
turesque as it was animating and wild. The young braves en- 
gaged in the dance were naked excepting the breech-clout alx)ut 


the loins. They were painted frightfully — their backs being 
chalked white with irregular streaks of red denoting the stream- 
ing of blood. Frequently would they cease from dancing while 
one of their number ran to the fire snatching thence a blazing 
stick placed there for that purpose, which he would thrust at the 
post, as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. In the course 
of the dance they sang their songs and made the forest ring with 
their wild screams and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of 
w^ar, and told the number of scalps they had respectively taken or 
which had been taken by their nation. During the dance those 
engaged in it — as did others also — partook freely of unmixed 
rum ; and by consequence of the natural excitement of the occa- 
sion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor, the festival had 
well nigh turned out a tragedy. It happened that among the dan- 
cers was an Oneida warrior, who, in striking the post, boasted of 
the number of scalps taken by his nation during the war of the 
Revolution. The Oneidas had espoused the cause of the Colonies 
in that contest, while the rest of the Iroquois confederacy had es- 
poused that of the Crown. The boasting of the Oneida warrior, 
therefore, was like striking a s])ark into a keg of gunpowder. 
The ire of the Senecas was kindled in an instant, and they in turn 
boasted of the number of scalps taken by them from the Oneidas 
in that contest. They moreover taunted the Oneidas as cow^ards. 
Quick as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their weap- 
ons, and in turn the knives and tomahawks of the Senecas beg^an 
to glitter in the moonbeams as they were hastily drawn forth. For 
an instant it was a scene of anxious and almost breathless sus- 
pense, a death struggle seeming inevitable, when the storm was 
hushed by the interposition of old Fish Carrier, who rushed for- 
ward and striking the post with violence exclaimed, 'You are all 
of you a parcel of boys ; when you ha\'e attained my age, and per- 
formed the warlike deeds that I have performed, you may boast 
what you have done ; not till then.' Saying which he threw down 
the post, put an end to the dance, and caused the assembly to re- 
tire. The scene in its reality must have been one of absorbing and 
peculiar interest. An assembly of nearly two thousand inhabi- 
tants of the forest grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with 
shining ornaments of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling 
over their shoulders and playing wildly in the wind as it swept 
past, sighing mournfully among the branches of the trees above. 


such a group gathered in a broad circle in an opening of the wil- 
derness, the starry canopy of heaven gHttering above them, the 
moon casting her silver mantle around their dusky forms, and a 
large fire blazing in the midst of them, before which they were 
working their spells and performing their savage rites, must have 
presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance. 

"It is a pleasing spectacle to see the Indian dances when in- 
tended merely for social diversion and innocent amusement. 
Their songs are by no means harmonious. They sing in chonis, 
first the men and then the women. At times the women join in the 
general song or repeat the strain which the men have just finish- 
ed. It seems like two parties singing in questions and answers, 
and is upon the whole very agreeable and livening. After thus 
singing for about a quarter of an hour they conclude each song 
with a loud yell, which is not in accord with the rest of the music. 
It is not unlike the cat bird which closes its pretty song with mew- 
ing like a cat. The singing always begins by one person only, 
but others soon fall in successively, until the general chorus be- 
gins, the drum beating all the while to mark the time. The voices 
of the women are full and clear, and their intonations generally 

"Their war dances have nothing engaging: their object on 
the contrary, is to strike terror to the beholder. They are dressed 
and painted, or rather bedaubed with paint in a manner suitable to 
the occasion. They hold the murderous weapon in their hand 
and imitate in their dance all the warlike attitudes, motions and 
actions which are usual in an engagement with the enemy, and 
strive to excel each other by their terrific looks and gestures. 
They generally perform round a painted post set up for that pur- 
pose, in a large room, or place enclosed or surrounded with posts 
and roofed with the bark of trees ; sometimes this dance is exe- 
cuted in the open air. There every man presents himself in war- 
rior's array, contemptuously looking upon the painted post as if 
it was the enemy whom he is about to engage ; as he passes by it 
he strikes, stabs, grasps, pretends to scalj^ to cut, to run through ; 
in short, shows what he would do to a real enemy if he had him 
in his power. It was an ancient custom to perform this dance 
round a prisoner, and as they danced to make him undergo every 
kind of torture previous to putting him to death. The prisoner 
appeared to partake in the merriment, contemptuously scoffing at 


his executioner as being unskilled in the art of inflicting torments; 
strange as this conduct may appear, it was not without a sufficient 
motive. It was to rouse his relentless tormentors to such a pitch 
of fury that some of them might at an unguarded moment give 
him the finishing stroke and put him out of his pain. Previous 
to going out on a warlike campaign the war dance is performed. 
It is their mode of recruiting. Whoever joins the dance is 
obliged to go with the party. After returning from a successful 
expedition a dance of thanksgiving is always performed, which 
partakes of the character of a religious ceremony. It is accom- 
panied with singing and choruses, in which the w^omen join. But 
they take no part in the rest of the performance. At the end of 
every song the scalp yell is shouted as many times as there have 
been scalps taken from the enemy. 

**The Indians also meet occasionally to recount their warlike 
exploits, which is done in a kind of half singing or recitative. 
The oldest warrior recites first, then they go on in rotation and in 
order of seniority, the drum beating all the time as it were to give 
to the relation the greater appearance of reality. 

"Their songs are of tlie warlike, or of the tender and the 
pathetic kind. They are sung in short sentences, not without 
some kind of measure, harmonious to an Indian ear. Their ac- 
cent is very pathetic.'' 

Song of the Lcnape warriors going against the enemy : 

O poor me! 

Who am going out to fight the enemy, 
And know not whether I shall return again 
To enjoy the embraces of my children 
And my wife. 

O poor creature! 

Whose life is not in his own hands, 

Who has no power over his own body, 

But tries to do his duty 

For the welfare of his nation. 

O! thou Great Spirit above! 

Take pity on my children 

And on my wife! 

Prevent their mourning on my account! 

Grant that I may be successful in this attempt — 

That I may slay mine enemy, 


And bring home the trophies of war 
To my dear family and friends, 
That we may rejoice together. 
O I Take pity on me ! 

Give me strength and courage to meet my enemy, 

Suffer me to return again to my children, 

To my wife, 

And to my relations ! 

Take pity on me and preserve my life. 

And I will make to thee a sacrifice. 

"There are some animals, which, though they are not consid- 
ered as invested with power over them, yet are beHeved to be 
placed as guardians over their Hves ; and entitled to some notice 
and tokens of gratitude. Thus when in the night an owl is heard 
soimding its note or calling to its mate some person in the camp 
will rise and take some Glicanican, or Indian tobacco, will strew 
it on the fire, thinking that the ascending smoke will reach the 
bird, and that he will see that they are not unmindful of his ser- 
vices and of his kindness to them and their ancestors. This cus- 
tom originated from the following incident, which tradition has 
handed down : It happened at one time when they were engaged 
in a war with a distant and powerful nation, that a body of their 
warriors were in the camp fast asleep, no kind of danger at that 
moment being apprehended. Suddenly the great Sentinel over 
mankind, the Owl, sounded the alarm ; all the birds of the species 
were alert at their posts, all at once calling out as if saying : 'Up ! 
Up! Danger! Danger!' Obedient to their call every man 
jumped up in an instant, when, to their surprise, they found that 
their enemy was in the very act of surrounding them, and that 
they would all have been killed in their sleep if the owl had not 
given them this timely warning. 

"After a successful war the Indians never fail to offer up a 
sacrifice to the great Being, to return him thanks for having given 
them courage and strength to destroy or conquer their enemies. 
Previous to entering upon the solemnity of their sacrifice they 
prepare themselves by vomiting, fasting and drinking decoctions 
from certain described plants. They do this to expel the evil 
which is within them and that they may with a pure conscience at- 
tend to the sacred performance. There are sacrifices of prayer 
and sacrifices of thanksgiving, some for all the favors received by 


them and their ancestors, others for special or particular benefits. 
Warriors think it necessary to bring home the scalps of those they 
have killed or disabled, as visible proofs of their valor; otherwise 
they are afraid that their relation of the combat and the account 
they give of their individual prowess might be doubted or disbe- 
lieved. These scalps are dried up, painted and preserved as tro- 
phies, and a warrior is esteemed in proportion to the number of 
them that he can show. It is a well known fact that the Indians 
pluck out all their hair except one tuft on the crown of their heads, 
which is that they might take off each other's scalps with the 
greater facility. *When we go to fight an enemy/ say they, *we 
meet on equal ground, and we take off each other's scalps if we 
can. The conquerer, whoever he may be, is entitled to have 
something to show his bravery and his triumph, and it would be 
ungenerous in a warrior to deprive an enemy of the means of ac- 
quiring that glory of which he himself is in pursuit' A warrior's 
conduct ought to be manly, else he is no man. As this custom 
prevails among all the Indian nations, it would seem to be the re- 
sult of a tacit agreement among them to leave the usual trophies 
of victory accessible to the contending warriors on all sides. It is 
an awful spectacle to see the Indian warriors return home from a 
successful expedition with their prisoners and the scalps taken in 
battle. It is not unlike the return of a victorious army from the 
field with the prisoners and the colors taken from the enemy, but 
the appearance is far more frightful and terrific. The scalps are 
carried in front fixed on the end of a thin pole about five or six 
inches in length; the prisoners follow and the warriors advance 
shouting the dreadful scalp yell which has been called by some the 
death halloo. For every head taken dead or alive a separate shout 
is given. In this yell or whoop there is a mixture of triumph and 
terror ; its elements seem to be glory and fear so as to express at 
once the feelings of the shouting warriors and those which they 
have inspired in their enemies. 

"Different from this yell is the alarm whoop, which is never 
sounded but when danger is near. It is performed in quick 
succession. Both this and the scalp yell consist of the sounds aw, 
and oh, successively uttered, the last more accented and sounded 
higher than the first ; but in the scalp yell this last sound is drawn 
out at great length, as long, indeed, as the breath will hold, and is 
raised about an octave higher than the former, while in the alarm 


whoop, it is rapidly struck on, as it were, and only a few notes 
above the other. These yells or whoops are dreadful indeed, and 
well calculated to strike with terror those whom long habit has 
not accustomed to them. It is difficult to describe the impression 
which the scalp yell makes on a person who hears it for the first 



Account of Indian Money, by John Lawson. 

THEIR MONEY is of different sorts, but all made of shells, 
which are found on the coast of Carolina, being very large 
and hard and difficult to cut. Some English smiths have 
tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get 
an advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained. 
The Indians often make of the same kind of shells as those of 
which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they wear 
about their necks in a string ; so it hangs on their collar, whereon 
is sometimes engraven a cross, or some odd sort of figure which 
comes next in their fancy. There are other sorts valued at a doe 
skin, yet the gorgets will sometimes sell for three or four buck- 
skins ready dressed. There be others that eight of them go read- 
ily for a doe skin, but the general and current species of all the 
Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as far as 
the bay of Mexico, is that which we call Peak and Ronoak, but 
Peak more especially. This is that which at New York is called 
Wampum. Five cubits of this purchase a dressed doe skin, and 
seven or eight buy a dressed buck skin. To make this Peak it 
cost the English five or ten times as much as they could get for it,, 
whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value 
upon their time, and therefore, have no competition to fear, or 
that others will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is 
made by grinding the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller 
that the small end of a tobacco pipe or large wheat straw. Four 
or five of these make an inch, and every one is to be drilled 
through and made as smooth as glass and so strung as beads are. 
A cubit of the Indian measure contains as much in length as will 
reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never 
stand to question whetlier it be a tall man or a short one that mea- 
sures it. If this Wampum — Peak be black or purple as some part 

Specimens of Pipes.found by J. M. M. Gernard, of Muncy, Fa. 


of that shell is, then it is twice the value. The drilling is the 
most tedious and difficult part of the manufacture. It is done by 
sticking a nail in a cane or reed which they roll upon their thighs 
with their right hand, while with the left they apply the bit of 
shell to the iron point. For this money they will do anything. 

"Their belts of wampum are of different dimensions both as 
to the length and breadth. White and black wampum are the 
kinds they use, the former denoting that which is good, as peace, 
friendship, good will, &c., the latter, the reverse ; yet, occasionally, 
the black also is made use of on peace errands when the white can- 
not be procured ; but previous to its being produced for such pur- 
pose, it must be daubed all over with chalk, white clay, or any- 
thing which changes the color fn^m black to white. The pipe of 
peace being either made of a black or red stone, must also be whit- 
ened before it is produced and smoked out of on such occasions. 
Roads from one friendly nation to' another are generally marked 
on the belt by one or two rows of white wampum interwoven in 
the black and running through the middle, and from end to end. 
It means that they are on good terms, and keep up a friendly in- 
tercourse with each other. A black l)elt with the mark of a 
hatchet made on it with red i)aint, is a war belt, which when sent 
to a nation, together with a twist or roll of tobacco is an invitation 
to join in a war. If the nation so invited smoke of this tobacco 
and say it smokes well, they have given their consent, and are 
from that moment allies. If, however, they decline smoking, all 
further persuasion would be of no effect; yet it once happened 
that war messengers endeavored to persuade and compel a nation 
to accept the belt by laying it on the shoulders or thigh of the 
chief, who, however, after shaking it off without touching it with 
his hands, afterwards, with a stick, threw it after them as if he 
threw a snake or a toad out of his way. 

"They have proper names, not only f(^r all towns, villages, 
mountains, valleys, rivers and streams, but for all remarkable 
spots, as, for instance, those infested with gnats, mosquitoes, 
snakes, &c. To strangers, white men, for instance, they will give 
names derived from some remarkable quality tliey have observed 
in them, or from some circumstance which strikes them. They 
called Wm. Penn *Miquon,' which means feather, or quill. The 
Iroquois called him 'Onas,' which in their idiom, means the same 
thing. The first name given to the Europeans who landed in 



Virginia, was *Wapsid Lenape/ meaning white people. When, 
however, they began to slaughter the Indians, the name *Mechan- 
schicau' (long knives), was given. In New England they at first 
endeavored to imitate the sound of the national name of the Eng- 
lish, which they pronounced *Yengees.* They also called them 
*Chauquaquock' (men of knives), for having imported those in- 
struments into the country which they gave in presents to the na- 
tives. They thought them better men than the Virginians, but 
when they were afterward cruelly treated by them, and their men 
shipped off to sea, the Mohicans of that country called them 
*Tschachgoos,' and next when the people of the middle colonies 
began to murder them, and called on the Iroquois to insult them, 
and assist in depriving them of their lands, then they dropped 
that name, and called the whites, by way of derision, 'Schwan- 
nack,' which signifies salt beings, or bitter things, for in their lan- 
guage, the word Schawn is in general applied to things that have 
a salt, sharp, bitter or sour taste. The object of this name, as 
well as of that which the Mohicans gave to the Eastern people, 
was to express contempt, as well as hatred or dislike, and to hold 
up the white inhabitants of the country as hateful and despicable 

"I do not believe that there exists a people more attentive to 
paying common civiHties to each other, but this, from a want of 
understanding their language, as well as their customs and man- 
ners generally, escapes the notice of travellers. In more than a 
hundred instances, I have, with astonishment and delight, wit- 
nessed the attention i)aid to a person entering the house of an- 
other, where, in the first instance, he is desired to seat himself 
with the words, *sit down, my friend!' if he is a stranger, or no 
relation ; but if a relation, the proper title is added. A person is 
never left standing, there are seats for all; and if a dozen should 
follow each other in succession, all are provided with seats, and a 
stranger, if a white person, with the best. The tobacco pouch is 
next handed round : it is the first treat as with us a glass of wine, 
or brandy. \\'ithout a single word passing between the man and 
his wife, she will go about pre])aring some victuals for the com- 
])any, and having served the visitors, will retire to a neighbor's 
house to inform the family of the visit with which her husband is 
honored, never grumbling on account of their eating up the pro- 
visions, even if it were what she had cooked for her own family, 


considering the friendly visit well worth this small trouble and ex- 

''Marriages among the Indians are not contracted for life; 
it is understood on both sides that the parties are not to live to- 
gether any longer than they shall be pleased with each other. The 
husband may put away his wife whenever he pleases, and the wo- 
man in like manner may abandon her husband. Therefore, the 
connection is not attended with any vows, promises or ceremonies 
of any kind. An Indian takes a wife, as it were, on trial, deter- 
mined, however, in his own mind not to forsake her if she behaves 
well, and particularly if they have children. The woman, sensi- 
ble of this, does on her part everything in her power to please her 
husband, particularly if he is a good hunter or trapper, capable of 
maintaining her by his skill and industry, and protecting her by 
his strength and courage. When a marriage takes place the duties 
and labors incumbent on each party are well known to both. It 
is understood that the husband is to build a house for them to 
dwell in, to find the necessary implements of husbandry, as axes, 
hoes, &c., to provide a canoe, and also dishes, bowls, and other 
necessary vessels for housekeeping. The woman generally has a 
kettle or two, and some other articles of kitchen furniture which 
she brings with her. The husband, as master of the family, con- 
siders himself bound to support it by his bodily exertions, as hunt- 
ing, trapping, &c. The woman, as his help-mate, takes uix)n her- 
self the labors of the field, and is far from considering them as 
more important than those to which her husband is subjected, be- 
ing well satisfied that with his gtms and traps he can maintain a 
family in any place where game is to be found : nor do they think 
it any hardship imposed upon them ; for they themselves say, that 
while their field labor employs them at most six weeks of the year, 
that of the men continues the whole year round. 

"The work of the women is not hard or difficult. They are 
both able and willing to do it, and always perform it with cheer- 
fulness. Within doors their labor is trifling. There is seldom 
more than one pot or kettle to attend to. There is no scrubbing 
of the house, and but little to wash, and that not often. Their 
principal occupations are to cut and fetch in the fire wood, till the 
ground, sow and reap the grain, and pound the corn in mortars 
for their pottage, and to make bread, which they bake in the 
ashes. When going on a journey, or to hunting camps with their 


husbands, they carry a pack on their backs which often appears 
heavier than it reafly is. It generally consists of a blanket, a 
dressed deer skin for moccasins, a few articles of kitchen furni- 
ture, as a kettle, l)owl, or dish, with spoons and some bread, salt, 
corn, &c. The tilling of the ground at home, getting of the fire 
wood, and pounding of corn in mortars, is frequently done by fe- 
male parties in the manner of huskings, &c., among the white 
people. In the beginning of March they go to the sugar camps, 
and while the women make the sugar, the men lookout for meat, 
generally fat bears, which are still in their winter quarters. 

'*The husband generally leaves the skins and pelfry which he 
has procured by hunting to the care of his wife, who sells or bar- 
ters them away to the best advantage. An Indian loves to see 
his wife well dressed. While she is bartering the skins, he will 
seat himself at some distance to observe her choice, and how she 
and the trader agree together. When she finds an article which 
she thinks will suit or please her husband, she never fails to pur- 
chase it for him ; she tells him that it is her choice, and he is never 
dissatisfied. The more a man does for his wife, the more he is 
esteemed, especially by the women. Some men at their leisure 
make bowls and ladles, which, when finished, are at the wife's dis- 

**The first step that Indian parents take towards the educa- 
tion of their children is to prepare them for future happiness by 
impressing uiK)n their tender minds that they are indebted for 
their existence to a great, good, and benevolent Spirit, who not 
only has given them life, but has ordained them for certain g^eat 
pur])oses. That he has given them a fertile, extensive country, 
well stocked with game of every kind for their subsistence, and 
that by one of his inferior spirits he has also sent down to them 
from above, corn, ])umpkins, squashes, beans and other vegeta- 
bles for their nourishment, all which blessings their ancestors hav^ 
enjoyed for a great number of ages. That this great Spirit looks 
down upon the Indians to see whether they are grateful to hinx 
and make him a due return for the many benefits he has bestowed. 
and therefore that it is their duty to show their thankfulness bvr 
worshipping liim and doing tliat which is pleasing in his sight. 
They are told that tliey were made the superiors of all other crea- 
tures, and are to have power over them. Great pains are taken to 
make this feeling take early root, and it becomes, in fact, their 

A Trader's Camp. 


ruling passion through life. No pains are spared to instill into 
them that by following the advice of the most admired and ex- 
tolled hunter, trapper or warrior, they will, at a future day, ac- 
quire a degree of fame and reputation equal to that which he pos- 
sesses. They are taught that if they respect the aged and infirm 
and are kind and obliging to them, they will be treated in the same 
manner when they become old. They are taught that good ac- 
tions come from the Good Spirit, and that bad actions come from 
the bad spirit. The Good Spirit gives them every thing that is 
good, but the bad spirit can give them nothing for he has nothing, 
but envies the Good Spirit. The parent does not use compulsive 
means, but rather the art of persuasion. The child's pride is ap- 
pealed to. A father needs only to say, *I want this done, who will 
be the good child to do it ?' and the w^ord good acts like magic. 
The entire community second the efforts of the parent in training, 
and takes pride in the virtues of the young. Thus has been main- 
tained for ages without convulsions and without civil discords 
this traditional government, of w^hich the world, perhaps, does 
not offer another example ; a government in which there are no 
positive laws, but only long established habits and customs, no 
code of jurisprudence, but the experience of former times, no 
magistrates, but advisers to* whom the people nevertheless pay a 
willing and implicit obedience, in which age confers rank, wisdom 
gives power, and moral goodness secures a title to universal re- 
spect. All this seems to be effected by the simple means of an ex- 
cellent mode of education, by which a strong attachment to an- 
cient customs, respect for age, and the love of virtue are indelibly 
repressed upon the minds of youth, so that these impressions ac- 
luire strength as time pursues its course, and as they pass through 
successive generations. 

"There is no nation in the world that pays greater respect to 
^Id age than the American Indians. From their infancy they are 
^ught to be kind and attentive to aged persons, and never let them 
suffer for want of necessaries or comforts. The parents spare no 
pains to impress upon the minds of their children the conviction 
that they would draw upon themselves the anger of the Great 
Spirit were they to neglect those whom in his goodness he had per- 
mitted to attain to advanced age. It is indeed a moving spectacle 
to see the tender and delicate attentions which on every occasion 
they lavish upon aged and decrepit persons. When going out a 


hunting they will put them on a horse, or in a canoe, and take 
them into the woods to their hunting grounds, in order to revive 
their spirits by making them enjoy the sight of a sport in which 
they can no longer participate. They place them in particular 
situations, where they are sure the game they are in pursuit of will 
pass, taking proper measures at the same time to prevent its es- 
cape, so that their aged parents and friends may at least be in at 
the death. At home the old are as well treated and taken care of 
as if they were favorite children. On every occasion and in every 
situation through life, age takes the lead among the Indians. 
Even little boys, when going on parties of pleasure, were it only 
to catch butterflies, strictly adhere to this rule, and submit to the 
direction of the oldest of the party. If they are accosted on the 
w^ay and asked w^here they are going, no one will presume to an- 
swer but their leader, the oldest. 

"Indians w-ho have not adopted the vices of the white people 
live to a good age — from seventy to ninety. Few arrive at the age 
of one hundred. I have known old men among them who had 
lost their memory, sight and teeth. I have also seen them at 
eighty in their second childhood, and not able to help themselves. 
The women in general live longer than the men." 

The Calumet, 

**Xo tribial organization, no solemn assembly, was complete 
without the calumet, and the ceremonies observed in its honor 
were impressive and conducted with the utmost care and regular- 

'' *This calumet,' says Father Hennepin, *is the most myste- 
rious thing in the world, among the savages of the Continent of 
Northern America, for it is used in all their important transac- 
tions. However, it is nothing else than a large tobacco pipe made 
of red, black or white marble. The head is finely polished, and 
the quill, which is commonly two feet and a half long, is made of 
a pretty strong reed, or cane, adorned with feathers of all colors 
interlaced with locks of women's hair. They tie to it two wings 
of the most curious birds they can find. They sheath that reed 
into the neck of birds they call Huars, which are as big as geese, 
and spotted with black and white; or else of a sort of ducks who 
make their nests upon trees, though water be their ordinarv ele- 


ment, and whose feathers are of many different colors. Such a 
pipe is a pass and safe conduct amongst all the allies of the nation 
that has given it, and in all embassies the Ambassadors carry that 
calumet as the symbol of i)eace, which is always respected ; for the 
savages are generally persuaded that a great misfortune would be- 
fall them if they violated the public faith of the calumet. All 
their enterprises, declarations of war, or conclusions of peace, as 
well as all the rest of their ceremonies are sealed w^ith this calu- 
met. They fill that pij^ with the best tobacco they have, and then 
present it to those with whom they have concluded any great af- 
fair, and smoke out of the same after them.** 

Dablon says : ** It now remains for me to si)eak of the calu- 
met, than which there is nothing among them more mysterious or 
more esteemed. Men do not pay to the crowns and sceptres of 
Kings the honor they pay to it ; it seems to be the god of peace and 
war, the arbiter of life and death. Carry it 3]x)\\t you, and show 
it, and you can march fearlessly amid enemies who even in the 
heat of battle lay down their arms when it is shown. Hence the 
Illinois gave me one to serve as my safeguard amid all the nations 
that I had to pass on my voyage. There is a calumet for peace 
and one for war, distinguished only by the color of the feathers 
with which they are adorned, red being the sign of war. They 
esteem it particularly because they regard it as the calumet of the 
sun : and, in fact, they present it to him to smoke when they wish 
to obtain calm, or rain, or fair weather. They scruple to bathe at 
the beginning of summer or to eat new fruits till they have danced 
to it. 

'*The Calumet dance, which is very famous among these In- 
dians, is performed only for important matters; sometimes to 
strengthen a peace, or to assemble for some great war; at other 
times for public rejoicing: sometimes they do this honor to a na- 
tion which is invited to be present ; sometimes they use it to receive 
some important personage, as if they wished to give him the en- 
tertainment of a ball or comedy. In winter the ceremony is per- 
formed in a cabin, in summer in the open fields. They select a 
place surrounded with trees so as to be sheltered beneath their fol- 
iage against the heat of the sun. In the middle of the space they 
spread out a large parti-colored mat of rushes: this serves as a 
carpet on which to place with honor the god of the one who gives 
the dance; for every one has his own god, or manitou, as they call 


it, which is a snake, a bird, or something of the kind, which they 
have dreamed in their sleep, and in which they put all their trust 
for the success of their wars, fishing and hunting. Near this 
manitou, and at its right, they put the calumet in honor of which 
the feast is given, making around about it a kind of trophy, 
spreading there the arms used by the warriors of these tribes, 
namely, the war club, bow, hatchet, quiver and arrows. Things 
being thus arranged and the hour for dancing having arrived, 
those who are to sing take the most honorable place undef the fol- 
iage. They are the men and women who have the finest voices 
and who perfectly accord. The spectators then come and take 
their places around under the branches ; but each one on arriving, 
must salute the manitou, which he does by inhaling the smoke and 
then puffing it from his mouth upon it as if oflfering incense. E^ch 
one goes first and takes the calumet respectfully, and supporting 
it with both hands, makes it dance in cadence, suiting himself to 
the air of the song. He makes it go through various figures, 
sometimes showing it to the whole assembly by turning it from 
side to side. After this he who is to begin the dance appears in 
the midst of the assembly, and goes first ; sometimes he presents it 
to the sun, as if he wished it to smoke; sometimes he inclines it to 
the earth, and at other times he spreads its wings as if for it to fly; 
at other times he approaches it to the mouths of the spectators for 
them to smoke, the whole in cadence. This is the first scene of 
the ballet. 

" *The second consists in a combat to the sound of a kind of 
drum which succeeds the songs, or rather joins them, harmoniz- 
ing quite well. The dancer beckons to some brave to come and — 
take the arms on the mat, and challenges him to fight to the sound -J 
of the drums ; the other approaches, takes his bow and arrow, and -J 

begins a duel against the dancer, who has no defence but the calu ■ 

met. One attacks, the other defends ; one strikes, the other par 

ries ; one flies, the other pursues ; then he w^ho fled faces and put: ^"^ 
his enemy to flight. This is all done with measured steps and the^^ 
regular sound of voices and drums. 

** *T]ie third scene consists of a speech delivered by the holdei — 
of the calumet, for, the combat being ended without bloodshed, he^ 
relates the battles he was in, the victories he has gained; he names. 
the nations, the places, the captives he has taken and as a reward, 
he who presides at the dance, presents him with a beautiful beaver 


robe, or something else, which he receives, and then he presents the 
calumet to another, who hands it to a third, and so to all the rest, 
till all having done their duty, the presiding chief presents the cal- 
umet itself to the nation invited to this ceremony, in token of the 
eternal peace which shall reign between the two tribes. 

" 'The greatest care was bestowed upon the construction and 
ornamentation of the stems of the calumets and medicine pipes. 
No inconsiderable official dignity attached to the bearer of them, 
and their preservation was a matter of earnest solicitude.* " 

Feasts and Months. 

**The great feast of the year among the Creeks was the Boos- 
ke-tau. It was celebrated in July or August, and partook of the 
character of a sacred festival, during which universal thanks were 
offered to the Great Spirit for the incoming harvest. All fires 
were then extinguished, and were new lighted from the spark 
kindled by the High Priest. It was an occasion of general puri- 
fication and of universal amnesty for all crimes committed during 
the year, murder excepted. 

"Almost every month had its peculiar feast or festival. 
Among the Natchez the year began with our month of March, 
and was divided into thirteen moons. With each new moon a 
feast was celebrated receiving its name from the principal fruits 
gathered, or animals hunted. Thus the first moon was called the 
deer moon, and was observed with universal joy as the commence- 
ment of the year. This was followed by the festival of straw- 
berries. The third moon ushered in the small corn, and was im- 
patiently expected, because the crop of large corn seldom lasted 
from one harvest to the other. The watermelon feast occurred 
during the fourth moon, answering to our month of June. The 
iifth moon was that of the fishes. At this time grapes were gath- 
ered. The sixth moon was known as the mulberry moon. The 
maize or green com moon succeeded, and was rendered remarka- 
ble by the most noted festival of the year. The turkey moon an- 
swered to our October, while the ninth and tenth moons were 
known respectively as the buffalo and bear moons. It was then 
these animals were hunted. The eleventh month was called the 
cold-meal moon; the twelfth, the chestnut moon, and the thir- 
teenth, the walnut moon." (The word walnut evidently refers to 


nuts in general, and not the single variety which we call by that 
name. ) 

**Names of months by the Delawares : i. January. — Squir- 
rel month. Chipmunks come out of their holes. 2. February. — 
The frogs begin to croak. 3. March. — Shad fish month. 4. 
April. — Month for planting. 5. May. — Hoeing Indian com. 
6. June. — The deer become red. 7. July. — The time to hill com. 
8. August. — The corn is in the milk. 9. Septeml>er. — Autumn. 
10. October. — Harvest month. 11. November. — Time for hunt- 
12. December. — Bucks cast their horns. 

''Names by the Onondagas: January. — Month of longer 
days. February. — Winter leaves remaining now fall. March. 
- — Winter leaves fall and fill the larger holes in the ground. April. 
— Warm good days, but not yet planting time. May. — Straw- 
berries are ripe. June. — The sun goes for long days. July. — 
The sun goes for longer days. August. — The deer sheds its hair. 
September. — The deer is in its natural fur. October. — A little 
cold. November. — It is large cold. December. — The month of 
little long days. The Indian months did not begin with January 
but with October. 

'*The Indian considers himself as a being created by an all- 
powerful wise and benevolent Manitto; all that he [x^ssesses, all 
that he enjoys, he looks upon as given to him or allotted for his 
use by the Great Spirit, who gave him life. He, therefore, be- 
lieves it to be his duty to adore and worship his Creator and bene- 
factor : to acknowledge with gratitude his past favors, thank him 
for present blessings, and solicit the continuation of his good will. 
As beings who have control over all beasts and living creatures, 
they feel their importance: before they saw the white people, or men 
of a different color from their own, they considered themselves as 
God's favorites, and believed that if the Great Manitto could re- 
side on earth, he would associate with them and be their chief. 
He also believes that he is highly favored by his maker, not only 
in having been created difl^erent in shape and in mental and bod- 
ily powers from other animals, but in being able to control and 
master them all, even those of an enormous size and of the most 
ferocious kinds ; and therefore when he worships his Creator in 
his way, he does not omit in his supplications to pray that he may 
be enrlowed with courage to fight and conquer his enemies, among 
whom he includes all savage beasts; and when he has pjerformed 


some heroic act he will not forget to acknowledge it as a mark of 
divine favor, by making a sacrifice to the great and good Manitto, 
or by publicly announcing that his success was entirely owing to 
the courage given him by the all-powerful Spirit. Thus, habitual 
devotion to the great First Cause, and a strong feeling of grati- 
tude for the benefit he confers, is one of the prominent traits 
which characterize the mind of the Indian. 

*'Not satisfied with paying this first of duties to the Lord of 
all, in the best manner they are able, the Indians also endeavor to 
fulfill the views which they suppose he had in creating the world. 
They think that he made the earth and all that it contains for the 
common good of mankind ; when he stocked the country, that he 
g^ve them with plenty of game, it was not for the benefit of the 
few, but of all. Every thing was given in common to the sons of 
men. Whatever liveth on the land, whatsoever groweth out of the 
earth, and all that is in the rivers and waters flowing through the 
same was given jointly to all and everyone is entitled to his share. 
From this principle hospitality flows as from its source. With 
them it is not a virtue but a strict duty. Hence they are never in 
search of excuses to avoid giving, but freely supply their neigh- 
bors' wants from the stock prepared for their own use. They 
give and are hospitable to all without exception, and will always 
share with each other, and often with the stranger, even to their 
last morsel. They rather would lie down themselves on an empty 
stomach, than have it laid to their charge that they had neglected 
their duty by not satisfying the wants of the stranger, the sick, or 
the needy. The stranger has a claim to their hospitality, partly 
on account of his being at a distance from his family and friends, 
and partly because he has honored them by his visit, and ought to 
leave them with a good impression on his mind : the sick and the 
poor, because they have a right to be helped out of the common 
stock; for if the meat they have been served with was taken from 
the woods, it was common to all before the hunter took it ; if corn 
or vegetables, it had grown out of the common ground, yet not by 
the power of man, but by that of the Great Spirit. Besides on the 
principle that all are descended from one parent, they look uix^n 
themselves as but one great family, who therefore ought, at all 
times, and on all occasions, to be serviceable and kind to each 
other, and by that means make themselves acceptable to the head 
of the universal family, the good Mannitto.'' 



IN THE opinion of Mr.Bartram the Southern Indians depended 
more upon regimen and abstinence than they did upon medi- 
cines in the treatment of diseases. The Cherokees used the 
Lobelia syphiHtica, and endeavored to conceal from the whites all 
knowledge of its virtues and of the localities in which it g^ew. 
A decoction of the Bignonia crucigera and of the roots of the 
China briar and the sassafras was freely employed for the purifi- 
cation of the blood. The caustic and detergent properties of the 
roots of the white nettle (Jatropha urens) were utilized in cleans- 
ing old ulcers and consuming proud flesh, while the dissolvent and 
diuretent powers of the root of the Convolvulus panduratus were 
highly esteemed as a remedy in nephritic complaints. The emol- 
lient and discutient power of the swamp-lily (Saururus cemius) 
and the virtues of the hypo or May apple (Podophyllum peltatum) 
were both communicated to the Europeans by the Indians. * The 
roots of the Panax ginseng and Norida or white root were held in 
the highest esteem among the Indians. The virtues of the former 
are well known, and the friendly carminative qualities of the latter 
were constantly invoked for relieving all disorders of the stomach 
and intestines. The patient chewed the root and swallowed the 
juice, or smoked it when dry, with tobacco. Even the smell of 
the root exerted a beneficial effect. The Lower Creeks, in whose 
country it did not grow, gladly exchanged two or three buckskins 
for a single root of it. 

**The Materia Medica of the Indians consists of various 
foods and plants known to themselves, the properties of which 
they are not fond of disclosing to strangers. They make consid- 
erable use of the barks of trees, such as the white and black oak, 
tlie wliite walnut of which tliey make pills, the cherry, dogwood, 
maple, birch and others. Their method of compounding they 
keep a profound secret. When an emetic is to be administered, 
the water in which the potion is mixed must be drawn up a 


Stream, and if for a cathartic downwards. I saw an emetic once 
given to a man who had poisoned himself with the May apple root, 
it consisted of a piece of a raccoon skin burned with the hair on, 
and finely powdered, pounded dried beans and gunpowder, these 
three ingredients were mixed with water and poured down the pa- 
tient's throat; this brought on a severe vomiting, the poisonous 
root was entirely discharged, and the man cured. In other com- 
plaints, particularly those that proceed from rheumatic affections, 
bleeding and sweating are always the first remedies applied. The 
sweat oven is the first thing that an Indian has recourse to when 
he feels the least indisposed ; it is the place to which the wearied 
traveller, hunter or warrior looks for relief from the fatigues he 
has endured, the cold he has caught, or the restoration of his lost 

**This oven is made of different sizes, so as to accommodate 
from two to six persons at a time, or according to the number of 
men in the village, so that they may all be successively served. It 
is generally built on a bank or slope, one-half within and the other 
above ground. It is well covered on the top with split plank and 
earth, and has a door in front where the ground is level, to go, or 
rather to creep, in. Here on the outside, stones, generally of 
about the size of a large turnip, are heated by one or more men 
appointed each day for that purpose. While the oven is heating, 
decoctions from roots or plants are prepared either by the person 
himself, who intends to sweat, or by one of the men of the village, 
who boils a large kettle full for the general use, so that when the 
public cryer goes his rounds calling out, Timook!' (go to sweat) 
every one brings his small kettle, which is filled for him with the 
potion which at the same time serves him for a medicine, pro- 
motes a profuse perspiration and quenches his thirst. As soon as 
a sufficient number have come to the oven a number of the hot 
stones are rolled into the middle of it, and the sweaters go in, seat- 
ing themselves, or rather squatting round these stones, and there 
they remain until the sweat ceases to flow ; then they come out 
throwing a blanket or two about them, that they may not catch 
cold. In the meanwhile fresh heated stones are thrown in for 
those who follow them. While they are in the oven, water is now 
and then poured on the hot stones to produce a steam which they 
say increases the heat and gives suppleness to their limbs and 
joints. In rheumatic complaints the steam is produced by a de- 


coction of boiled roots, and the patient during the operation is 
well wrapped up in blankets to keep the cold air from him and 
promote perspiration at the same time. The sweat ovens are gen- 
erally at some distance from the village where wood and water is 
always at hand. The best order is preserved. The women have 
their separate oven at a place in a different direction from that of 
the men, and subjected to the same rules. The men generally 
sweat themselves once or sometimes twice a week, the women 
have no fixed day for this exercise, nor do they use it as often as 
the men. 

''The theory was that all distempers were caused by the evil 
spirits; consequently none of their physicians attempted a cure 
until he had conversed with the Good Spirit, and ascertained 
whether his aid could be secured in the effort to exorcise the ad- 
verse demon. As soon as the doctor comes into the cabin the 
sick person is placed on a mat, or skin, stark naked, lying on his 
back, and all uncovered except some trifle about the loins. The 
king of the nation comes to attend the conjurer with "a rattle made 
of a gourd with peas in it. This the king delivers into the con- 
jurer's hand, while another brings a bowl of water and sets it 
down. Then the doctor begins, and utters a few w-ords very soft- 
ly ; afterwards he smells of the patient's navel and belly, and some- 
times scarifies him a little with a flint or an instrument made of 
rattlesnake's teeth for that purpose ; then he sucks the patient and 
gets out a mouthful of blood and serum, but serum chiefly, which 
he spits in the bowl of water. Then he begins to mutter and talk 
apace, and at last to cut capers and clap his hands on his breech 
and sides till he gets into a sweat so that a stranger would think he 
was running mad ; now and then sucking the patient, and so at 
times keeps sucking till he has got a great quantity of very ill-col- 
ored matter out of the belly, arms, breast, forehead, temples, neck 
and most parts, still continuing his grimaces and antic postures. 
At last you will see the doctor all over a drooping sweat and 
scarce able to utter a word, having quite spent himself; then he 
will cease for a while, and so begin again, till he comes to that 
same pitch of raving and seeming madness as l)efore. At last he 
ceases, and tells whether the patient will live or die, then one who 
waits at this ceremony takes the blood away and buries it in the 
ground in a place unknown to any one but he that inters it. When 
the juggler has succeeded in convincing his patient that his dis- 


order is such that no common physician has it in his power to re- 
lieve, he will next endeavor to convince him of the necessity of 
making him very strong, which means, giving him a large fee, 
which he will say is justly due to a man who like himself is able 
to perform such difficult things. If the patient who applies is 
rich, the doctor will never fail whatever the complaint may be, to 
ascribe it to the powers of witchcraft, and recommend himself as 
the only person capable of giving relief in such a hard and compli- 
cated a case. The poor patient, therefore, if he will have the 
benefit of the great man's advice and assistance, must immediately 
give him his honorarium, which is commonly either a fine horse, 
a good rifle gun, a considerable quantity of wampum, or goods to 
a handsome amount. When this fee is well secured, and not be- 
fore, the doctor prepares for the hard task that he has undertaken, 
with as much apparent labor as if he were going to remove a 
mountain. He casts his eyes all around him to attract notice, 
puts on grave and important looks, appears wrapped in thought 
and meditation, and enjoys for awhile the admiration of the spec- 
tators. At last he begins his operation. Attired in a frightful 
dress he approaches his patient with a variety of contortions and 
jestures, and performs by his side and over him all the antic tricks 
that his imagination can suggest. He breathes on him, blows in 
his mouth, and squirts some medicine which he has prepared, in 
his face, mouth and nose; he rattles his gourd filled with dried 
beans or pebbles, pulls out and handles about a variety of sticks 
and bundles in which he appears to be seeking for the proper rem- 
edy, all which is accompanied with the most horrid gesticu- 
lations, by which he endeavors to frighten the spirit or the disor- 
der away, he continues in this manner until he is out of 
breath and exhausted, when he retires to await the issue. The 
juggler's dress consisted of an entire garment or outside covering 
made of one or more bear skins as black as jet, so well fitted and 
sewed together that the man was not in any place to be perceived. 
The whole head of the bear, including the mouth, nose, teeth, ears, 
&c., appeared the same as when the animal was living; so did the 
legs with long claws ; to this were added a huge pair of horns on 
the head, and behind a large bushy tail moving as he walked, as 
though it were on springs ; but for these accompaniments the man 
walking on all fours might have been taken for a bear of extraor- 
dinary size. Underneath where his hands were, holes had been 


cut, though not visible to the eye, being covered with the long 
hair, through which he held and managed his implements, and he 
saw through two holes set with glass. 

'It is well known that the Indians pay great respect to the 
memory of the dead and commit their remains to the ground with 
becoming ceremonies. In the death of a principal chief, the vil- 
lage resounds from one end to the other with the loud lamenta- 
tions of the women, among whom those who sit by the corpse dis- 
tinguish themselves by the shrillness of their cries, and the frantic 
expression of their sorrow ; the scene of mourning over the dead 
body continues by day and by night until it is interred, the mourn- 
ers being relieved from time to time by other women. I was pres- 
ent in the year 1762, at the funeral of a woman of the highest 
rank and respectability, the wife of the valiant Delaware chief 
Shingask ; at the moment that she died her death was announced 
through the village by women specially appointed for that pur- 
pose, who went through the streets crying, *She is no more! She 
is no more !' The place on a sudden exhibited a scene of univer- 
sal mourning: cries and lamentations were heard from all quar- 
ters ; it was truly the expression of the general feeling for a gen- 
eral loss. 

*'The day passed in this manner amidst sorrow and desola- 
tion. The next morning, between nine and ten o'clock, we were 
desired to assist at the funeral. We found her corpse lying in a 
coffin, dressed and painted in the most superb Indian style. Her 
garments, all new, were set off with rows of silver broaches, one 
row joining the other. Over the sleeves of her new ruffled shirt 
were broad silver arm spangles from her shoulder down to her 
wrist, on which were bands forming a kind of mittens worked to- 
gether of wampum, in the same manner as the belts which they 
use when they deliver s])ecches : her long plaited hair was confined 
by broad bands of silver, one band joining the other, yet not of 
the same size, but tapering from the head downwards and running 
at the lower end to a point: on the neck were hanging five broad 
belts of wampum tied together at the ends, each of a size smaller 
than the other, the largest of which reached below her breast, the 
next largest reaching a few inches of it, and so on, the uppermost 
one being the smallest. Her scarlet leggings were decorated with 
different colored ribl^ons sewed on the outer edges, being finished 
oft* with small beads, also of various colors. Her moccasins were 


ornamented with the most striking figures, wrought on the leather 
with colored porcupine quills, on the borders of which round the 
ankles were fastened a number of small round silver bells of about 
the size of a musket ball. All these things together, with the Ver- 
million paint judiciously laid on so as to set her off in the highest 
style, decorated her person in such a manner that perhaps nothing 
of the kind could exceed it ; the spectators having retired, a num- 
ber of articles were brought out of the house and placed in the cof- 
fin, wherever there was room to put them on, among which were 
a new shirt, a dressed deer skin for shoes, a pair of scissors, nee- 
dles, thread, pewter basin and spoon, pint cup and other simi- 
lar things, with a number of trinkets and other small articles, 
which she was fond of while living; the lid was then fastened on 
the coffin with three straps, and three handsome round poles, five 
or six feet long, were laid across it near each other, and one in 
the middle, which were also fastened with straps cut up from a 
tanned elk hide; and a small bag of vermillion paint, with some 
flannel to lay it on, was then thrust into the coffin through the 
hole cut out of the head of it ; this hole the Indians say is for the 
spirit of the deceased to go in and out at pleasure until it has 
found the place of its future residence. 

"Everything being ready, the bearers of the corpse took their 
places. Several women from a house about thirty yards off, now 
started off carrying large kettles, dishes, spoons and elk meat in 
baskets, for the burial place. The signal being given for us to 
move with the body, the women who acted as chief mourners 
made the air resound with their shrill cries. The order of pro- 
cession was as follows : 

"First, a leader, or guide, from the spot where we were to 
the place of interment. Next followed the corpse, and close to it 
the husband of the deceased. He was followed by the principal 
war chiefs and counsellors of the nation, after whom came men 
of all ranks and descriptions. Then followed the women and the 
children, and lastly two stout men carrying loads of goods upon 
their backs. The chief mourners on the woman's side not having 
Joined in the ranks, took their own course to the right at the dis- 
tance of about fifteen or twenty yards from us, but always oppo- 
site the corpse. Arrived at the grave the lid of the coffin was 
again taken off, and the body exposed to view. The whole train 
formed themselves into a kind of semilunar circle on the south 


side of the grave, and seated themselves on the ground, while the 
disconsolate husband retired by himself to a spot at some distance, 
where he was seen weeping with his head bowed to the ground. 
The female mourners seated themselves promiscuously near to 
each other, among some low bushes that were at a distance of 
from twelve to fifteen yards from the grave. 

**In this situation we remained for more than two hours; not 
a sound was heard from any quarter, though the numbers that at- 
tended were very great ; nor did any person move from his seat to 
view the body, which had been lightly covered over with a clean 
white sheet. All appeared to be in profound reflection and sol- 
emn mourning. Sighs and sobs were now and then heard from 
the female mourners, so uttered as not to disturb the assembly ; it 
seemed rather as if intended to keep the feeling of sorrow alive in 
a manner becoming the occasion. At length, alx)ut one o'clock, 
six men stepped forward to put the lid upon the coffin and let 
down the body into the grave, when suddenly three of the women 
mourners rushed from their seats, and forcing themselves between 
these men and the corpse, loudly called out to the deceased toarise 
and go with them and not to forsake them. They even took hold 
of her arms and legs, at first it seemed as if they were caressing 
her, afterwards they appeared to pull with more violence, as if 
they intended to run away with the tody, crying out all the while, 
^\rise ! Arise ! Come with us ! Don't leave us ! Don't abandon 
us!' ^\t last they retired plucking at their garments, puUing 
their hair, and uttering loud cries and lamentations with all the 
appearance of frantic despair. After they were seated on the 
ground, they continued in the same manner crying and sobbing, 
and pulling at the grass and shrubs, as if their minds were totally 
bewildered and they did not know what they were doing. Then 
the men let down the coffin into the earth and laid two thin poles 
of about four inches diameter from which the bark had been taken 
off, lengthwise and close together over the grave, after w-hich they 
retired. Then the husband advanced with a very slow pace, and 
when he came to the grave walked over it on these poles and pro- 
ceeded forward in the same manner into an extensive adjoining 
prairie which commenced at this spot. When the chief had ad- 
vanced so far that he could not hear what was doing at the grave, 
a painted i)ost on which were drawn various figres emblematic 
of the deceased's situation in life, and of her having been the wife 


of a valiant warrior, was brought by two men and delivered to a 
third, a man of note, who placed it in such a manner that it rested 
on the coffin at the head of the grave, and took great care that a 
certain part of the drawings should be exposed to the east or ris- 
ing of the sun ; then, while he held the post erect and properly sit- 
uated, some women filled up the grave with hoes, and having 
placed dry leaves and pieces of bark over it so that none of the 
fresh ground waa visible, they retired, and some men with timbers, 
fitted beforehand for the purpose, enclosed the grave about breast 
high so as to secure it from the approach of the wild beasts. Then 
every one was served with victuals that had been cooked at some 
distance from the spot. After the repast was over the articles of 
merchandise that had been brought were distributed among all 
present ; no one from the oldest to the youngest was exempted. In 
about six hours the procession ended, and the people retired to 
their homes. At dusk a kettle of victuals was carried to the 
grave and placed upon it, and the same was done every evening 
for the space of three weeks, at the end of which it was supposed 
that the traveller had found her place of residence. During that 
time the lamentations of the women mourners were heard on the 
evenings of each day, though not so loud nor so violent as before. 

"The Nanticokes had the sihgular custom of removing the 
bones of their deceased friends from the burial place to a place of 
deposit in the country they dwell in. In earlier times they were 
known to go from Wyoming to Chemenk to fetch the bones of 
their dead from the Eastern Shore of Maryland, even when the 
bodies were in a putrid state, so that they had to take off the flesh 
and scrape the bones clean, before they could carry them along. 
As they passed through Bethlehem, between 1750 and 1760, load- 
ed with such bones, they being still fresh, caused a disagreeable 

"The description of the Indians by William Penn will give as 
correct a view of them as we can obtain. He says : 'They are 
generally tall, straight in their persons, well built, and of singular 
proportion; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with 
a lofty chin. Of complexion black, but by design as the gypsies 
of England. They grease themselves with bear's fat clarified, 
and using no defence against sun and weather, their skins must be 
swarthy. Their eye is livid and black, not unlike a straight-look- 
ed Jew. The thick lips and flat nose so frequent with the East 


Indians and the blacks, are not common to them, for I have 
seen as comely European like faces among them of both sexes as 
on your side of the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not 
more of the white ; and the noses of several of them have as much 
of the Roman. Their language is lofty yet narrow ; but like the 
Hebrew, in signification full. Like shorthand in writing, one 
word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the 
understanding of the hearer ; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in 
their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions and interjections. 
I have made it my business to understand it, that I might not want 
an interpreter on any occasion ; and I must say that I know not a 
language spoken in Europe that hath words of more sweetness or 
greatness in accent and emphasis than theirs. Of their customs 
and manners there is much to be said. I will begin with children. 
So soon as they are born they are washed in water and while very 
young and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in the 
river to harden and embolden them. Having wrapped them in a 
clout, they lay them on a straight thin board, a little more than 
the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the 
board to make it straight; wherefore all Indians have flat heads; 
and thus they carry them at their backs. The children will walk 
very young, at nine months commonly. They wear only a small 
clout about their waist until they are big. If boys, they go a 
fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. There they 
hunt, and having given some proofs of their manhood by a good 
return of skins, they marry. Else it is a shame to think of a wife. 
The girls stay with their mothers and help to hoe the ground, 
plant corn, and bear burdens, and they do well to use them to that 
w^hile young, which they must do when they are old. For the 
wives are the true servants of the husbands ; otherwise the men are 
very affectionate to them. When the young women are fit for 
marriage they wear something upon their heads for an advertise- 
ment, but so as their faces are hardly to be seen but when they 
please. The age they marry at, if they are women, is about thir- 
teen or fourteen, if men seventeen or eighteen. They are rarely 

'Their houses are mats, or barks of trees set on poles in the 
fashion of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for 
they are hardly higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. 
In travel they lodge in the woods about a great fire with the man- 


tie of duffils they wear in the day wrapped about them, and a few 
boughs stuck round them. Their diet is mc^ize or Indian corn, 
divers ways prepared, sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes 
beaten and boiled with water, which they call homonie. They 
also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise sev- 
eral sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the 
woods and rivers owe their larder. If an European comes to see 
them or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him 
the best place and first cut. If they come to visit us they salute 
us with an *Itah !' which is as much as to say, *Good be to you !' 
and set them down, w^hich is mostly on the ground close to their 
heels, their legs upright; it may be they speak not a word, but ob- 
serve all that passes. If you give them anything to eat or drink, 
well, for they will not ask; and, be it little or much, if it be with 
kindness, they are well pleased ; else they go away sullen, but say 
nothing. They are great concealers of their own resentment, 
brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practised 
among them. In either of these they are not exceeded by the 
Italians. In liberality they excel ; nothing is too good for their 
friend; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass 
through twenty hands before it sticks. Light of heart, strong 
affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live, 
feast and dance perpetualy ; they never have much, nor never want 
much; wealth circulateth like the blood; all parts partake, and 
though none shall want what another hath, yet exact observers of 
property. Some Kings have sold, others presented me with sev- 
eral parcels of land; the pay or presents I made them were not 
hoarded by the particular owners ; but the neighboring Kings and 
their clans being present when the goods were brought out, the 
parties chiefly concerned consulted what and to whom they 
should give them. To every King then, by the hands of a person 
for that work appointed, is a proportion sent, so sorted and folded, 
and with that gravity that is admirable. Then that King sub- 
divideth it in like manner among his dependents, they hardly leav- 
ing themselves an equal share with one of their subjects ; and be it 
on such occasions or festivals, or at their common meals, the 
Kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, 
because they want for little, and the reason is a little contents 
them. In this they are sufficiently revenged on us; if they are 
ignorant of our pleasures, they are also free from our pains. 


"Since the Europeans came into these parts they are grown 
great lovers of strong liquors, rum especially, and for it they ex- 
change the richest of their skins and furs. If they are heated 
with liquors they are restless till they have enough to sleep, that 
is their cry, *sonie more and I will go to sleep ;' but when drunk, 
one of the most wretched spectacles in the world. In sickness, 
impatient to be cured, and for it give anything, especially for 
their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They drink 
a decoction of some roots in spring water; and if they eat any 
flesh it must be of the female of any creature. If they die they 
bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the 
nearest of kin fling in something precious with them as a token of 
love. Their mourning is blackening of their faces, which they 
continue for a year. They are choice of the graves of their dead, 
for, lest they should be lost by time and fall to common use they 
pick off the grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen 
earth with great care and exactness. 

"These poor people are under a dark night in things relating 
to religion. Yet they believe in a God and immortality without 
the help of metaphysics, for they say, *There is a great King that 
made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward of 
them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither where they 
shall live again.' Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice 
and cantico. Their sacrifice is their first fruits; the first and fat- 
test buck they kill goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt, with a 
mournful ditty of him that performeth the ceremony, but with 
such marvelous fervency and labor of body that he will even sweat 
to a foam. The other part is their cantico, performed by round 
dances, sometimes words, sometimes songs, then shouts, two being 
in the middle that begin, and by singing and dancing on a board 
direct the chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antic and 
different, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnest- 
ness and labor, but great appearance of joy. In the fall when 
the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. There have 
been two great feasts already, to which all come that will. I was 
at one myself; their entertainment was a great seat by a spring 
under some shady trees, and twenty bucks with hot cakes of new 
corn, l)oth wheat and beans, which they make up in a square form 
in tlie leaves of the stem and bake them in the ashes, and after that 
they tall to dance. But they that go must carry a small present in 


their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the bone of the 
fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white silver ; they call it 

**Their government is by kings, whom they call Sachems, 
and these by succession, but always on the mother's side. The 
reason they render for this way of descent is, that their issue may 
not be spurious. Every king hath his council, and that consists 
of all the old and wise men of the nation, which, perhaps, is two 
hundred people. Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, 
peace, selling of land or traffic, without advising with them, and 
which is more, with the young men, too. It is admirable to con- 
sider how powerful the kings are, and yet how they move by the 
breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council with 
them upon treaties of land and to adjust the terms of trade. Their 
order is this : The King sits in the middle of a half moon and 
hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand ; behind them, or 
at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Hav- 
ing consulted and resolved their business, the King ordered one of 
them to speak to me ; he stood up, came to me, and in the name of 
his King saluted me : then took me by the hand and told me he 
was ordered by his King to speak to me, and that now it was not 
he but the King that spoke ; because what he should say was the 
King's mind. He first prayed me to excuse them that they had 
not complied with me last time; he feared there might he some 
fault with the interpreter being neither Indian nor English; be- 
sides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take much time in 
council before they resolve, and that if the young people and own- 
ers of the land had been as ready as he, I had not met with so 
much delay. Having thus introduced the matter, he fell to the 
bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of and the price, 
which now is little and dear, that which would have bought twen- 
ty miles, not buying now two. During the time that this man 
spoke not a man of them was seen to whisper or smile ; theold were 
grave, the young reverent in their deportment. They speak lit- 
tle, but fervently and with elegance. I have never seen more 
natural sagacity, considering them without the help of tradition, 
and he will deserve the name of wise that outwits them in any 
treaty about a thing they understand.' " 



IN OUR study of these olden times we have seen the coming to 
our shores of the needy immigrants, who, released from the 

confinement of weary ship life, fled into the wilderness, and 
were lost to view never again to appear as they were on the day 
of their landing before the caves of the infant Philadelphia. 

We have also made ourselves acquainted with the native m- 
habitants of these endless stretches of forest and mountains, both 
as they were before the coming of the white strangers, and after 
they became disheartened and poor through the deceit so relent- 
lessly practised upon them by these, at first, welcome strangers. 

Of one class of immigrants we have merely caught a glimpse, 
but they will now receive our attention, for they are the true pio- 
neers of our history. They were the people who took a peculiar 
delight in felling trees, or Indians, if they came in their way, and 
when the woods Ijegan to disappear beneath their steady strokes, 
they packed up their few belongings and plunged deeper into the 
mysterious wilderness, to seek a still wilder life. 

These men are interesting characters. They laid the foun- 
dations for the prosperity that we enjoy. With all their faults 
we can honor them for what they were. In them we see the na- 
tive strength of character which has become refined and gentle as 
we sec it in their posterity, our neighbors. It has become refined 
under the favoring influences of more gentle surroundings. 

We are not left to guessing at the experiences of these fath- 
ers. Their surroundings are clearly portrayed in such w^orks as 
\\'inter])()tham's three volumed history, pul)lished in the last cen- 
tury : in Dodridge's notes, written from personal observation, and 
in the fireside talcs and recorded conversations of many aged men 
wlio have lived tlieir experiences over again, in fancy, as to grand- 
cliildren and great-grandchildren they have told of the days when 
they were boys. 


We will begin by quoting from **The Winning of the West," 
by Roosevelt : 

"The backwoodsmen of America were by birth and parent- 
age of mixed race. But the dominant strain in their blood was 
that of the Presbyterian Irish — the Scotch Irish as they were of- 
ten called. Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the 
Cavalier for their leadership in our history ; nor have we been alto- 
gether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the Huguenot; 
but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the importance of the 
part played by that stern and virile people, the Irish, whose 
preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin. These Irish rep- 
resentatives of the Covenanters were in the \\'est almost what the 
Puritans were in the northeast, and more than the Cavaliers were 
in the South. Mingled with the descendants of many other races, 
they nevertheless formed the kernel of the distinctively and in- 
tensely American stock, w^ho were the pioneers of our people in 
their march westward, the vanguard of the army of fighting set- 
tlers, who with axe and rifle won their way from the Alleghenies 
to the Rio Grande and the Pacific. The Presbyterian Irish were 
themselves already a mixed people. Though mainly descended 
from Scotch ancestors — who came originally from both lowlands 
and highlands from among both the Scotch-Saxon and the 
Scotch-Celts — many of them were of English, a few of French 
Huguenot, and quite a number of true old Milesian Irish extrac- 
tion. They were the Protestants of the Protestants ; they detest- 
ed and despised the Catholics, whom their ancestors had conquer- 
ed, and regarded the Episcopalians, by whom they themselves had 
been oppressed, with a more sullen but scarcely less intense hatred. 
They were a truculent and obstinate people, and gloried in the 
warlike renow^n of their forefathers, the men who had followed 
Cromwell, and who had shared in the defence of Derry, and in 
the victories of the Boyne and Aughrim. They did not begin to 
come to America in any numbers till after the opening of the 
eighteenth century; by 1730 they were fairly swarming across the 
ocean, for the most part in two streams, the larger going to the 
port of Philadelphia, the smaller to the port of Charleston. 
Pushing through the long settled lowlands of the seacoast they at 
once made their abode at the foot of the mountains and became 
the outposts of civilization. From Pennsylvania, whither the 
great majority had come, they drifted south along the foot hills 


and down the long valleys till they met their brethren from 
Charleston, who had pushed up into the Carolina back country. 
In this land of hills, covered by unbroken forest, they took root 
and flourished, stretching in broad belt from north to south a 
shield of sinewy men thrust in between the people of the seacoast 
and the red warriors of the wilderness. All through this region 
they were alike ; they had as little kinship with the Cavalier as with 
the Quaker; the west was won by those who have been rightly 
called the Roundheads of the south, the same men who, tefore any 
others, declared for American independence. 

"The two facts of most importance to remember, in dealing 
with our pioneer history, are, first, that the western portions of 
Virginia and the Carolinas were peopled by an entirely different 
stock from that which had long existed in the tide-water regions 
of those colonies ; and, secondly, that except for those in the Caro- 
linas, who came from Charleston, the immigrants of this stock 
were mostly from the north, from their great breeding ground 
and nursery in western Pennsylvania. That the Irish Presbyte- 
rians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at once push- 
ing past the settled regions and plunging into the wilderness as 
the leaders of the white advance. They were the first and last 
set of immigrants to do this ; all others have merely followed in 
the wake of their predecessors. But, indeed, they were fitted to 
be Americans from the very start ; they were kinsfolk of the cove- 
nanters; they deemed it a religious duty to interpret their own 
Bible, and held for a divine right the election of their own clerg^'. 
For generations their whole ecclesiastic and scholastic systems had 
been fundamentally democratic. In the hard life of the frontier 
they lost much of their religion and they had but scant opportun- 
ity to give their children the schooling in which they believed, but 
what few meeting houses and school houses there were on the bor- 
der were theirs. The numerous families of colonial English who 
came among them adopted their religion, if they adopted any. 
The creed of the backwoodsman, who had a creed at all, was Pres- 
byterianism ; for the Episcopacy of the tide-water land obtained 
no foothold in the mountains, and the Methodists and the Baptists 
had but just begun to appear in the west when the Revolution 
broke out. 

''These Presbyterian Irish were, however, far from being the 
only settlers on the border, although more than any others they 


impressed the stamp of their peculiar character on the pioneer civ- 
ilization of the west and the southwest. Great numbers of im- 
migrants of English descent came among them from the settled 
districts on the east ; and though these later arrivals soon became 
indistinguishable from the people among whom they settled, yet 
they certainly sometimes added a tone of their own to backwoods 
society, giving it here and there a slight dash of what we are ac- 
customed to consider the distinctively southern or cavalier spirit. 
There was, likewise, a large German admixture, not only from the 
Germans of Pennsylvania, but also from those of the Carolinas. 
A good many Huguenots, likewise came, and a few Hollanders, 
and even Swedes, from the banks of the Delaware, or, perhaps, 
from farther off still. 

"A single generation passed under the hard conditions of life 
in the wilderness was enough to weld together into one people 
the representatives of these numerous and widely different races, 
and the children of the next generation became indistinguishable 
from one another. Long before the first Continental Congress 
assembled, the backwoodsmen, w^hatever their blood, had become 
Americans, one in speech, thought and character, clutching firmly 
the land in which their fathers and grandfathers had lived before 
them. They had lost all remembrance of Europe, and all sympa- 
thy with things European ; they had become as emphatically pro- 
ducts native to the soil as were the tough and supple hickories out 
of which they fashioned the handles of their long light axes. 
Their grim, harsh, narrow lives were yet strangely fascinating, 
and full of adventurous toil and danger; none but natures as 
strong, as freedom loving, and as full of bold defiance as theirs, 
could have endured existence on the terms which these men found 
pleasureable. Their iron surroundings made a mould which 
turned out all alike in the same shape. They resembled one an- 
other, and they differed from the rest of the world — even the 
world of America, and infinitely more the world of Europe — in 
dress, in customs, and in mode of life. 

"When their lands abutted on the more settled districts to 
the eastward, the population was of ccnirse tliickest and their pe- 
culiarities least. Here and there at such points they built small 
backwoods burgs or towns, rude, straggling, unkempt villages, 
with a store or two, a tavern — sometimes good, often a scandalous 
hogsty, where travellers were devoured by fleas, and every one ate 


and slept in one room — a small log house, and a little church pre- 
sided over by a hard-featured Presbyterian preacher, gloomy, 
earnest and zealous, probably bigoted and narrow-minded, but, 
nevertheless, a great power for good in the community. 

"However, the backwoodsmen as a class, neither built towns 
nor loved to dwell therein. They were to be seen at their best in 
the vast interminable forests that formed their chosen home. 
They won and kept their lands by force and ever lived either at 
war or in dread of war. Hence they settled always in groups of 
several families, each all banded together for mutual protection. 
Their red foes were strong and terrible, cunning in council, dread- 
ful in battle, merciless beyond belief in victory. The men of the 
border did not overcome and dispossess cowards and weaklings; 
they marched forth to spoil the stout-hearted, and to take for prey 
the possession of the men of might. Every acre, every rood of 
ground which they claimed, had to be cleared by the axe and held 
by the rifle. Not only was the chopping down of the forest the 
first preliminary to cultivation, but it was also the surest meatis of 
subduing the Indians, to whom the unending stretches of choked 
woodland were an impenetrable cover behind which to hide un- 
seen, a shield in making assaults, and a strong tower of defence 
in repelling counter-attacks. In the conquest of the west the 
backwoods axe, shapely, well poised, with long haft and light head 
was a servant hardly second to the rifle ; the two were the national 
weapons of the American backwoodsman, and in their use he has 
never been excelled. 

**When a group of families moved out into the wilderness 
they built themselves a station or stockade fort ; square palisades 
of upright logs, loop-holed with strong block houses as bastions 
at the corners. One side, at least, was generally formed by the 
backs of the cabins themselves, all standing in a row; and there was 
a great door or gate that could be strongly barred in case of need. 
Often no iron whatever was employed in any of the buildings. 
The square inside contained the provision sheds, and frequently a 
strong central blockhouse as well. These forts of course could 
not stand against cannon, and they were always in danger when 
attacked with fire; but save for this risk of burning they were 
very effectual defences against men without artillery, and were 
rarely taken, whether by whites or Indians, except by surprise 


The Settler's Lonely Home. 


Few Other buildings have played so important a part in our his- 
tory as the rough stockade fort of the backwoods. 

**The families only lived in the fort when there was war with 
the Indians, and even then not in the winter. At other times 
they all separated out to their own farms, universally called clear- 
ing^, as they were always made by first cutting off the timber. 
The stumps were left to dot the field of grain and Indian corn. 
The com was in especial the stand-by and invariable resource of 
the western settlers ; it was the crop on which he relied to feed his 
family, and when hunting or on a war trail the parched grains 
were carried in his leather wallet to serve often as his only food. 
But he planted orchards and raised melons, potatoes, and many 
other fruits and vegetables as well : and he had usually a horse 
or two, cows, and perhaps hogs and sheep, if the wolves and bears 
did not interfere. If he was poor his cabin was made of unhewn 
logs, and held but a single room; if well to do, the logs were 
neatly hewed, and besides the large living and eating room with 
its huge stone fire place, there was also a small bed room and a 
kitchen, while a ladder led to the loft above in which the boys 
slept. The floor was made of puncheons, great slabs of wood 
hewed carefully out, and the roof of clapboard. Pegs of wood 
were thrust into the sides of the house to serve instead of a ward- 
robe; and buck antlehs thrust into joists held the ever ready rifles. 
The table was a great clapboard set on four wooden legs ; there 
were three legged stools, and in the better sort of houses old fash- 
ioned rocking chairs. The couch or bed was warmly covered 
with blankets, bear skins and deer hides. 

"These clearings lay far apart from one another in the wil- 
derness. Up to the door sills of the log huts stretched the sol- 
emn and mysterious forest. There were no openings to break 
its continuity; nothing but endless leagues on leagues of shadowy 
wolf-haunted woodland. The great trees towered aloft till 
their separate heads were lost in the mass of foliage above, and 
the rank underbrush choked the spaces between the trunks. On 
the higher peaks and ridge crests of the mountains there 
were straggling birches and pines, hemlock and balsam firs; 
elsewhere, oaks, chestnuts, hickories, maples, beeches, walnuts, 
and great tulip trees grew side by side with many other kinds. 
The sunlight could not penetrate the roofed archway of murmur- 
ing leaves; through the gray aisles of the forest men walked al- 


ways in a kind of mid-day gloaming. Those who had lived in 
the open plains felt when they came to the backwoods as if their 
heads were hooded. Save on the border of a lake, from a cliff 
top, or on a bald knolj — that is, a bare hill shoulder — ^they could 
not anywhere look out for any distance. 

**A11 the land was shrouded in one vast forest. It covered 
the mountains from crest to river bed, filled the plains, and 
stretched in sombre and melancholy wastes towards the Mississ- 
ippi. All that it contained, all that lay hid within it and beyond 
it, none could tell ; men only knew that their boldest hunters, how- 
ever deeply they had penetrated, had not yet gone through it, that 
it was the home of the game they followed, and the wild beasts 
that preyed on their flocks, and that deep in its tangled depths 
lurked their red foes, hawk-eyed and wolf-hearted. Backwoods 
society was simple and the duties and rights of each member of the 
family were plain and clear. The man was the armed protector 
and provider, the bread winner; the woman was the house wife 
and child bearer. They married young, and their families were 
large, for they were strong and healthy and their success in life 
depended on their own stout arms and willing hearts. There was 
everywhere great equality of conditions. Land was plenty and 
all else was scarce. So courage, thrift and industry were sure of 
their reward. All had small farms, with the few stock necessary 
to cultivate them ; the farms being generally placed in the hollows, 
the division lines between them, if they were close together, being 
the tops of the ridges and the water courses, especially the former. 
The buildings of each farm were usually at its lowest point, as if 
in the centre of an amphitheatre. Each was on an average of 
about four hundred acres, but sometimes more. Tracts of low, 
swampy grounds, possibly some miles from the cabin, were clear- 
ed for meadows, the fodder being stacked and hauled home for 

**Each backwoodsman was not only a small farmer but also 
a hunter ; for his wife and children depended for their meat upon 
the venison and bear's flesh procured by his rifle. The people were 
restless and always on the move. After being a little while in a 
place, some of the men would settle down permanently, while oth- 
ers would again drift off. farming and hunting alternately to sup- 
port their families. The backwoodman's dress was in great part 
borrowed from his Indian foes. He wore a fur cap, or felt hat, 


moccasins, and either loose thin trousers, or else simply leggings 
of buckskin or elkhide, and the Indian breech clout. He was al- 
ways clad in the hunting shirt, (fringed) of homespun or buck- 
skin, the most picturesque and distinctively national dress ever 
worn in America. It was a loose smock or tunic, reaching nearly 
to the knees, and held in at the waist by a broad belt from which 
hung the tomahawk and scalping knife. His weapon was the 
long small boFe flint lock rifle, clumsy and ill-balanced, but ex- 
ceedingly accurate. It was very heavy, and when upright reach- 
ed to the chin of a tall man, for the barrel of thick soft iron w^aj 
four feet in length, while the stock was short and the butt scooped 
out. Sometimes it w^as plain, sometimes ornamented. It was 
generally bored out — or, as the expression then w'as, sawed out — 
to carry a ball of seventy, more rarely of thirty or forty to the 
pound, and was usually of backwoods manufacture. The marks- 
man almost always fired from a rest, and rarely at a very long 
range, and the shooting was marvellously accurate. 

"In the backwoods there was very little money; barter w^as 
the common form of exchange and peltries were often used as a 
circulating medium, a beaver, otter, fisher, dressed buckskin or 
large bear skin, being reckoned as equal to two foxes or wildcats, 
four coon or eight minks. A young man inherited nothing from 
his father but his strong frame and eager heart ; but before him 
lay a whole continent wherein to pitch his farm, and he felt ready 
to marry as soon as he became of age, even though he had nothing 
but his clothes, his horses, his axe and his rifle. If a girl was well 
off, and had been careful and industrious, she might herself bring 
a dowry of a cow and a calf, a brood mare, a bed well stocked with 
blankets, and a chest containing her clothes, the latter not very 
elaborate, for a woman's dress consisted of a hat or poke bonnet, 
a bed gown, perhaps a jacket, and a linsey petticoat, while her 
feet were thrust into coarse shoepacks or moccasins. Fine clothes 
were rare; a suit of such cost more than two hundred acres of 
good land. 

"The first lesson the backwoodsman learnt was the necessity 
of self help ; the next, that such a community could only thrive if 
all joined in helping one another. Log-rollings, house-raisings, 
house-warmings, corn-shuckings, quiltings, and the like were oc- 
casions when all the neighbors came together to do what the fam- 
ily itself could hardly accomplish alone. Every such meeting 

224 'T^^ PIONEERS. 

was the occasion of a frolic and a dance for the young people, 
whiskey and rum being plentiful, and the host exerting his utmost 
power to spread the table with backwoods delicacies, bear meat 
and venison, vegetables from the truck patch, where squashes, 
melons, beans and the like were grown, wild fruits, bowls of milk 
and apple pies, which were the acknowledged standard of luxury. 
At the better houses there was metheglin or small beer, cider, 
cheese and biscuits. Tea was so little known that many of the 
backwoods people were not aware it w^as a beverage, and at first 
attempted to eat the leaves with salt and butter. 

'*The young men prided themselves on their bodily strength, 
and were always eager to contend against one another in athletic 
games, such as wrestling, racing, jumping and lifting flour bar- 
rels ; and they also sought distinction in vieing with one another 
at their work. Sometimes they strove against one another singly, 
sometimes they divided into parties, each bending all its energfies 
to be first in shucking a given heap of corn, or cutting with sickles 
an allotted patch of wheat. Among the men the bravos or bul- 
lies often were dandies also in the backwoods fashion, wearing 
their hair long and delighting in the rude finery of hunting shirts 
embroidered with porcupine quills ; they were loud, boastful and 
profane, given to coarsely bantering one another. Brutally sav- 
age fights were frequent; the combatants, who were surrounded 
by rings of interested spectators, striking, kicking, biting, and 
gouging. The fall of one of them did not stop the fight, for the 
man who was down was maltreated without mercy until he called 
enough. The victor always bragged savagely of his prowess, 
often leaping on a stump, crowing and flapping his arms. De- 
feat was not necessarily considered disgrace, a man often fight- 
ing when he was certain to be beaten, while the onlookers neither 
hooted nor pelted the conquered. Fights were specially frequent 
when the backwoodsmen went into the little frontier town to see 
horse races or fairs. 

''A wedding was always a time of festival. The groom and 
his friends, all armed, rode to the house of the bride's father, plen- 
ty of whisky being drunk, and the men racing recklessly along the 
narrow bridle paths, for there were few roads or wheeled vehi- 
cles in the backwoods. At the bride's house the ceremony was 
performed, and then a huge dinner was eaten, after which the fid- 
dling and dancing began, and were continued all the afternoon, 


and most of the night as well. A party of girls stole off 
the bride and put her to bed in the loft above, and a party of 
young men performed the like service for the groom. The fun 
was hearty and coarse, and the toasts always included one to the 
young couple, with the wish that they might have many big chil- 
dren, for as long as they could remember, the backwoodsman had 
lived at war, w^hile looking ahead they saw no chance of its ever 
stopping, and so each son was regarded as a future w^arrior, a 
help to the whole community. The neighbors all joined again in 
chopping and rolling the logs for the young couple's future house, 
then in raising the house itself, and finally in feasting and dancing 
at the house warming. 

**Funerals W'ere simple, the dead body being carried to the 
grave in a coffin slung on poles and carried by four men. 

"Each family did everything that could be done for itself. 
The father and sons worked with axe, hoe and sickle. Almost 
every house contained a loom, and almost every woman was a 
weaver. Linsey woolsey made from flax grown near the cabin 
and from wool from the backs of the few sheep was the warmest 
and most substantial cloth ; and when the flax crop failed and the 
flocks were destroyed by w^olves the children had but scanty 
covering to hide their nakedness. The man tanned the buck- 
skin, the woman was tailor and shoemaker, and made the deer 
skin sifters to be used instead of bolting cloths. There were a 
few pewter spoons in use; but the table furniture consisted 
mainly of hand-made trenchers, platters, noggins and bowls. The 
cradle was of peeled hickory bark. Ploughshares had to be im- 
ported, but harrows and sleds were made without difficulty, and 
the cooper work was well done. Chaff beds were thrown on the 
floor of the loft, if the house owner was well off. Each cabin 
had a hand mill and a hominy block ; the last was borrowed from 
the Indians and was only a large block of wood w^ith a hole 
burned in the top as a mortar where the pestle was worked. If 
there were any sugar maples accessible they were tapped every 

"In order to get salt and iron each family collected during 
the year all the furs possible, these being valuable, and carried 
on pack horses, the sole means of transport. Then, after seeding 
time in the Fall, the people of a neighborhood ordinarily joined 
in sending down a train of peltry-laden pack horses to some 


large sea coast or tidal river trading town, where their burdens 
were bartered for the needed iron and salt. The unshod horses 
all had bells hung round their necks; the clapjiers were stopped 
during the day, but when the train was halted for the night and 
the horses were hobbled and turned loose, the bells were once 
more unstopi)ed. Several men accompanied each little caravan, 
and sometimes they drove with them steers and hogs to sell on 
the sea coast. A bushel of alum salt was worth a good cow and 
a calf, and as each of the poorly fed undersized pack animals 
could carry but two bushels, the mountaineers prized it gfreatly, 
and instead of salting or pickling their venison they jerked it by 
drying it in the sun or smoking it over a fire. 

"The life of the I)ackwoodsman was one long stniggle. The 
forest had to be felled, droughts, deep snows, freshets, cloud 
bursts, forest fires, and all the other dangers of a wilderness life 
faced. Swarms of deer-flies, mosquitoes and midges rendered 
life a torment in the weeks of hot weather. Rattlesnakes and 
copperheads were very plentiful and, the former especially, con- 
stant sources of danger and death. Wolves and bears were in- 
cessant and the inveterate foes of the live stock, and the cougar, 
or jjanthcr, occasionally attacked man as well. More terrible 
still, the wolves sometimes went mad, and the men who then en- 
countered them were almost certain to be bitten and to die of the 

**lCvcry true backwc^odsman was a hunter. Wild turkeys 
were plentiful. The pigec^is at times filled the woods with clouds 
that hid the sun, and broke down the branches on their roosting 
grounds as if a whirlwind had passed. The black and g^rey 
squirrels swarmed, devastating the corn fields and at times gath- 
ering in immense companies and migrating across mountain and 
river. The hunter's ordinary game was the deer, and after that 
the bear: the elk was already growing uncommon. No form 
of labor is harder than the chase, and none is so fascinating nor so 
excellent as a training school for war. The successful still hunter 
of necessity jiosscssed skill in hidinjs: and in creeping noiselessly up- 
on the wary (luarry, as well as in imitating the notes and calls of 
the different beasts and birds: skill in the use of the rifle and in 
thp»winjL,' the tomahawk he already had: and he perforce ac- 
quired keenness of eye, thorough acquaintance with wood craft, 
and the i)owcr of standing the severest strains of fatigue, hard- 

Savage Wolves at the Cabin Door. 


ship and exposure. He lived out in the woods for many months 
with no food but meat and no shelter whatever, unless he made a 
lean-to of brush or crawled into a hollow sycamore. 

**Such training stood the frontier folk in good stead when 
they were pitted against the Indians; without it they could not 
even have held their own, and the white advance would have 
been absolutely checked. Our frontiers were pushed westward 
by the warlike skill and the personal prowess of the individual 
settlers. For one square mile the regular armies added to our 
domain, the settlers added ten — a hundred would probably be 
nearer the truth. A race of peaceful unwarlike farmers would 
have been helpless before such foes as the red Indians, and no 
auxiliary military force could have protected them or enabled 
them to have moved westward. Colonists fresh from the old 
world, no matter how thrifty, steady-going and industrious, could 
not hold their own on the frontier ; they had to settle where they 
w'ere protected from the Indians by a living barrier of bold and 
self-reliant American borderers. The West would never have 
been settled save for the fierce courage and the eager desire to 
brave danger so characteristic of the stalwart backwoodsman. 
These armed hunters, woodchoppers and farmers were their own 
soldiers. They built and manned their own forts ; they did their 
own fighting under their own commanders. There were no 
regiments of regular troops along the frontier. In the advent of 
an Indian inroad each borderer had to defend himself until there 
was time for them all to gather together to repel or to avenge it. 
Every man was accustomed to the use of arms from his child- 
hood ; when a boy was twelve years old he was given a rifle and 
made a foot soldier, with a loophole where he was to stand if the 
station was attacked. The war was never ending, for even the 
times of so-called peace were broken by forays and murders; a 
man might grow from babyhood to middle age on the border and 
yet never remember a year in which some one of his neighbors 
did not fall a victim to the Indians. 

"There was everywhere a rude military organization, which 
included all the able-bodied men in the community. Every set- 
tlement had its colonels and captains: but these officers, both in 
their training and in the authority they exercised, corresponded 
much more nearly to Indian chiefs than to the regular army 
whose titles they bore. They had no means whatever of en- 


forcing their orders, and their tumultuous and disorderly levies 
of sinewy riflemen were hardly as well disciplined as the Indians 
themselves. The superior officer could advise, entreat, lead and 
influence his men, but he could not command them, or if he did, 
the men obeyed him only just so far as it suited them. If an 
officer planned a scout or campaign, those who thought proper 
accompanied him, and the others stayed at home, and even those 
who went came back if the fit seized them, or perchance followed 
the lead of an insubordinate junior officer whom they liked bet- 
ter than they did his sui^erior. There was no compulsion to per- 
form military duties beyond dread of being disgraced in the eyes 
of the neighbors and there was no pecuniary reward for per- 
forming them ; nevertheless, the moral sentiment of a backwoods 
community was too robust to tolerate habitual remissness in 
military aflfairs, and the coward and laggard were treated with 
utter scorn, and were generally in the end either laughed or hated 
out of the community, or else got rid of in a more summary 

"All qualities, good and bad, are intensified and accentuated 
in the life of the wilderness. The man who in civilization is 
merely sullen and bad tempered becomes a murderous, treacherous 
ruffian, when transplanted to the wilds ; while on the other hand 
his cheery, quiet neighbor developes into a hero, ready, uncom- 
plainingly to lay down his life for his friend. One who in an 
eastern city is merely a backbiter and slanderer, in the western 
w^oods lies in wait for his foe with a rifle: sharp practice in the 
east becomes highway robbery in the west ; but at the same time 
negatiA'e good nature becomes active self sacrifice, and a general 
belief in virtue is translated into a prompt and determined war 
upon vice. The ne'er do well of a family who in one place has 
his debts paid a couple of times and is then forced to resign 
from his clubs and lead a cloudy but innocuous existence on a 
small pension, in the other abruptly finishes his career by being 
hung for horse stealing. In the backwoods the lawless led lives 
of abandoned wickedness: they hated good for good's sake, and 
did their utmost to destroy it. Where the bad element was 
large, gangs of horse thieves, highwaymen and other criminals 
often united with the uncontrollable young men of vicious tastes 
who were given to gambling, fighting and the like. They then 
formed half secret organizations, often of great extent and of 


wide ramifications, and if they could control a community they 
established a reign of terror, driving out both ministers and 
magistrates, and killing without scruple those who interfered 
with them. The good men in such a case banded themselves to- 
gether as regulators and put down the wicked with ruthless 
severity by the exercise of lynch law, shooting or hanging the 
worst off-hand. 

"The excesses so often committed by the whites, when, after 
many checks and failures, they at last grasped victory, are causes 
for shame and regret; yet it is only fair to keep in mind the 
terrible provocations they had endured. Mercy, pity, mag- 
nanimity to the fallen could not be expected from the frontiers- 
men gathered together to war against an Indian tribe. Almost 
every man of such a band had bitter personal wrongs to avenge. 
He was not taking part in a war against a civilized foe; he was 
fighting in a contest where women and children suffered the fate 
of the strong man, and instead of the enthusiasm for his coun- 
try's flag and a general national animosity toward its enemies, 
he was actuated by a furious flame of hot anger, and was goaded 
on by memories of which merely to think was madness. His 
friends had been treacherously slain while on messages of peace ; 
his house had been burned, his cattle driven off, and all he had in 
the world destroyed before he knew that war existed, and when 
he felt quite guiltless of all offence; his sweetheart or wife had 
been carried off, ravished and was at the moment the slave and con- 
cubine of some dirty and brutal Indian warrior ; his son, the stay 
of his house, had been burned at the stake with torments too hor- 
rible to mention ; his sister, when ransomed and returned to him, 
had told of the weary journey through the woods, when she 
carried round her neck as a horrible necklace the bloody scalps 
of her husband and children. Seared into his eyeballs, into his 
very brain, he bore ever with him, waking or sleeping, the sight 
of the skinned, mutilated, hideous body of the baby who had just 
grown old enough to recognize him and to crow and laugh when 
taken in his arms. It was small wonder that men who had thus 
lost everything should sometimes be fairly crazed by their 
wrongs and devote the remainder of their wretched lives to the one 
object of taking vengeance on the whole race of the men who 
had darkened their days forever. Too often the squaws and pap- 
pooses fell victims of the vengeance that should have come only 


on warriors; for the whites regarded their foes as beasts rather 
than men, and knew that the squaws were more cruel than others 
in torturing prisoners and that the very children took part there- 
in, being held up by their fathers to tomahawk the dying victims 
at the stake/' 

Daniel Webster says : *' It did not happen to me to be bom 
in a log cabin, but my elder brothers and sisters were — in a log 
cabin raised amidst the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a 
period so early as that when the smoke first rose from its rude 
chimney and curled over the frozen hills, there was no similar 
evidence of a white man's habitation between it and the settle- 
ments on the rivers of Canada. Its remains still exist, and I 
make to it an annual visit. I carry my children to it to inspire 
like sentiments in them and to teach them the hardships endured 
by the generations which have gone before them. Taunt and 
scoffing at the humble condition of early life affect nobody in 
this country but those w^ho are foolish enough to indulge in them. 
For myself I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the kindred 
ties, the early affection and the touching narratives and inci- 
dents which mingle with all I know of this primitive family 
abode. I weep to think that none of those who inhabited it are 
now among the living; and if ever I am ashamed of it, or if I 
ever fail in affectionate veneration for him who reared it, and 
defended it against savage violence and destruction, cherished 
by all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, and through the 
fire and blood of a seven years' Revolutionary War shrunk from 
no danger, no toil, no sacrifice to serve his country and to raise 
his children to a condition better than his own, may the name 
of my posterity be blotted forever from the memory of man." 

Fort Augusta, at Shamokin. 



IF a people were seeking an ideal location to build a city 
where there were presented the various forms of attractions 

essential to the requirements of a community, possibly no 
better place could be discovered in the State of Pennsylvania than 
the spacious plain at the confluence of the north and west branches 
of the Susquehanna. Two great rivers here combine to form 
a greater, each of them bearing the commerce of extensive dis- 
tricts in which all the riches of nature are bountifully produced. 
The one branch reaching into the region of great forests and 
wells of flowing oil ; the other into immense plains of grain and 
beds of salt; both of them touching ramifications extending on 
the one hand to the mighty Mississippi, on the other to the ma- 
jestic St. Lawrence. At the junction of these streams the lofty 
and rugged mountains come to a sudden termination and in one 
bold spur stand guard over the waters and plain in majestic re- 
pose. Back of the plain is a coimtry of beautiful fertility, where 
nature readily responds to the toil of man and produces a variety 
of grains, vegetables, fruits and flowers sufficient to gratify and 
satisfy the most exacting craving of the appetite of man. And 
over all this there reigns a climatic condition that gives to the 
inhabitants the prospect of a hearty and enjoyable career reach- 
ing into a vigorous old age. 

With such an impression upon their minds many men of 
noted abilities chose this place to build home and fortune as the 
country harmoniously increased in production and population. 
Among these were Dr. Priestly, the world famous scientific 
scholar, and Col. Plunket, the soldier, and Frederick Antes, the 
democrat. Each of these men represented a class that grew in 
numbers as the country was opened to the march of improvement 
and civilization. 

Previous to the incursion of the permanent settlers, this 
place had been recognized as a notal)le location. It was the most 


important Indian town in Pennsylvania. The Six Nations held 
this as a strategic point at an early day, and made it the seat of 
a viceroy, who ruled for them the tributary tribes that dwelt 
along the waters of the winding river. Here the Iroquois war- 
riors on their return from predatory expeditions against the 
Cherokees and Catawbas would make a halt and hold carousals 
for the last time before reaching Onondaga. 

It was Shikellimy's home, and here he ruled as Viceroy the 
branches of the Six Nations. This was the boyhood home of 
Logan, and here he learned the beneficient spirit of the Mora- 
vians in their kind dealing w^ith the red men. Here Conrad 
Weiser was accustomed to stop and rest himself when on long 
journeys from the provincial governors to the Indian headquar- 
ters at Onondaga. Here Zinzendorf rested and met some of 
the chiefs; here Martin ]\Iack and his wife settled in 1745 as the 
first of the Moravian missionaries to the seat of Indian power. 
At this time it was in all its glory as an Indian place of carousals. 
Mack says of it: ** In September of 1745, my wife and I were 
sent to Shamokin, the very seat of the Prince of Darkness. Dur- 
ing the four months that we resided there we were in constant 
danger, and there was scarcely a night but we were compelled to 
leave our hut and hide in the woods from fear of the drunken 

David Brainerd visited Shamokin in the same year and 
wrote of it : '* The town lies partly on the east and west shores 
of the river, and partly on the island. It contains upwards of 
fifty houses and three hundred inhabitants. The Indians of this 
place are accounted the most drunken, mischievous and ruffian- 
like fellows of any in these parts; and Satan seems to have his 
seat in this town in an eminent manner. About one-half are 
Delawares, the others Senecas and Tutelars.*' 

Allummapees, the Delaware King, was quite old and in- 
firm and some wanted him to give up his position to a successor, 
but he would not agree to it. Conrad Weiser said of him: 
*' Allummai)ees wcnild have given up the crown l>efore now^ but 
as he had the keeping of the public treasure (that is to say, of the 
council bag), consisting of belts of wampum, for which he buys 
liquor, and lias been drunk for tlicse two or three years almost 
constantly, it is thought that he won't die so long as there is one 
single wampum left in the bag.'' The old chief died in 1747, 


and Shikellimy, his neighbor, showing directly the opposite kind 
of a character, died in 1748. 

Fort Augusta stood at about forty yards distance from the 
river on a bank twenty- four feet from the surface of the water ; 
the side toward the water w^as a strong paHsade, the bases of the 
logs being sunk four feet in the earth, the top holed and spiked 
into strong ribbons which ran transversely and were morticed 
into several logs at twelve feet distance from each other, which 
were larger and higher than the rest ; the joints between each pal- 
isade broke with firm logs well fitted on the inside and supi>orted 
by the platform. The other three sides were composed of logs 
laid horizontally, neatly done, dovetailed and trunnelled down. 
They were squared. Some of the lower ends were three feet in 
diameter, the least from two and a half feet to eighteen inches, 
and were mostly of white oak. There were six four-pound 
cannon mounted, one in the side of each bastion fronting the 
river bank, and one in the flank of each of the opposite bastions. 
The woods were cleared to the distance of three hundred yards, 
and some progress had been made in cutting the bank of the 
river into a glacis. 

Inventory of Fort Augusta December 6th, 1758: Twelve 
pieces of cannon in good order, two swivels in good order, four 
blunderbusses in good order, seven hundred rounds of cannon 
balls, one hundred and twenty-three bags of grape shot, three 
hundred and eighty-three cartridges of powder made for cannon, 
one hundred and twelve cartridges made for swivels, twelve 
barrels of powder, forty-six hand grenades, twenty-nine rounds 
of cut shot. 

There are many traditions centering at the confluence of the 
great branches of the Susquehanna. During the French and 
English war it was quite certain that the principals of both na- 
tions had their eyes upon it. The fact that the Indians had made 
it the dwelling place of their viceroy, and that all parties travel- 
ling up and down the river found it a convenient stopping place, 
gave the suggestion of its importance. There is a tradition that 
a French party came to the top of Blue Hill opposite and care- 
fully examined the fort to see if it would be possible for them 
to capture it. But that this could not be done without cannon 
was evident, and after harassing the garrison in a petty way 
they departed. 

234 ^^^'^ AUGUSTA. 

The advent of the French was a serious matter, for they 
had boasted that they would show no quarter to the garrison if 
they captured them. For months the garrison was kept in a 
state of alarm by the rejx^rts that came to them. On one occa- 
sion Job Chilloway arrived from Onondaga with the informa- 
tion that the Six Nations were holding a Grand Council at which 
he was present. It was opened by four chiefs who sang the 
war song and passed around an uncommonly large war belt. 
They had given permission to the French to pass through their 
towns and to erect a fort on the Susquehanna, from which point 
they could descend in batteaux. Nearly a thousand w^arriors 
were ready and waiting for the word to begin their slaughter of 
the settlers and the devastation of their homes. In July Chil- 
loway reported the descent of various bands of Indians on the 
Juniata but who were stopped by friendly Indians. The con- 
stant prowling alx)ut of the Indians led the commander of the 
fort to resort to a device which was practiced by the ancient 
armies of Rome and other nations. It was to strew caltrops in 
the woods and swamps and wherever 
prowlers might try to steal a march, and 
thus render the dark and hidden places more 
dangerous to the sneaking savage than the 
open front of the fort would be. Some of 
these caltrops had been brought from Eng- 
land, but it was easy for the blacksmith of 
the fort to make any quantity of them. 
They were madeof iron, or wire, by welding 
two pieces together crosswise, then bending the prongs, which 
were from one and a half to two inches long, so that no matter 
how dropped one prong with its sharp point would always stand 
erect and pierce the foot or leg of the one who stepped upon it. 
As the prongs were barbed like a fish-hook it was a difficult mat- 
ter to take them out, and would often cause lockjaw. 

After the war was ended cattle often stepped upon these cal- 
trops, and many died from the effect of the wound, hence search- 
ing parties were sent out to hunt for them, and several barrels 
of them were gathered and placed for safe keeping in the maga- 
zine of the fort. 

The diary of Colonel James Burd, the commander of Fort 
Augusta during these troublesome times, reveals the daily an- 


noyances to which they were subjected. It was a dangerous place 
for so small a number of soldiers to be in, when no one could 
know what the next combination of French and Indians might 
be, or how soon a flotilla of boats might appear on the North 
Branch, or the West Branch, manned by fierce savages in war 
paint and scalping knives sharpened for action. It was heroic 
to hold the place, and as long as the soldiers were able to do that 
it was a demonstration to the Indians of the power and the suc- 
cess of the English speaking white man. 

The charm of the forests to the soldiers of the province 
was apparent when the officers of the First and Second Battal- 
ions, before they reached their homes from the expedition against 
the Indians at Fort DuQuesne, held a meeting at Bedford and 
determined to apply to the Proprietaries for a tract of land upon 
which they might settle as a commimity and establish homes. In 
their request they declared that they proposed to embody them- 
selves in a compact settlement on some good lands at some dis- 
tance from the inhabited part of the province, where, by their 
industry, they might procure a comfortable subsistence for them- 
selves, and by their arms, union and increase, become a powerful 
barrier to the province. They further represented that the land 
already purchased did not afford any situation convenient for 
their purpose ; but the confluence of the two branches of the Sus- 
quehanna at Shamokin did, and they, therefore, prayed the 
Proprietaries to make the purchase, and make them a grant of 
forty thousand acres of arable land on the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna. Their request was received with approval, and ac- 
cordingly Thomas and Richard Penn held a treaty with the Six 
Nations at Fort Stanwix, on the 5th of November, 1768, and 
made the purchase which is known as the New Purchase. 

" In consideration of ten thousand dollars, they (the Six 
Nations) grant to Thomas and Richard Penn, all that part of the 
Province of Pennsylvania not heretofore purchased of the Indians 
within the said boundary line, and beginning in the same 
boundary line on the east side of the East Branch of the Sus- 
quehanna river, at a place called Owegy, and running with the 
said boundary line down the said branch on the east side thereof 
till it comes opposite the mouth of a creek called by the Indians 
Awandac, and across the river and up the said creek on the south 
side thereof and along the range of hills called Burnett's Hills 



The New Purchase of 1768. 

by the English on the north side of them to the heads of a creek 
which runs into the West Branch of the Susquehanna, which 
creek is by the Indians called Tiadaghton, and down the said 
creek on the south side thereof to the said West Branch of the 
Susquehanna, then crossing the said river and running up the 
the same on the south side thereof the several courses thereof 
to the fork of the same river which lies nearest to a place on the 
river Ohio called the Kittanning, and from the the said fork by 
a straight line to Kittanning aforesaid, and then down the said 
river Ohio by the several courses thereof to where the western 
bounds of the said Province of Pennsylvania cross the said river, 
and then with the said western bounds to the south boundary 
thereof, and with the south boundary aforesaid to the east side 
of the Allegheny hills, and with the said hills on the east side 
of them to the west line of a tract of land purchased by the said 
proprietors from the Six Nations and confirmed October 23rd, 
1758; and then with the northern bounds of that tract to the 
river Susquehanna and crossing the river Susquehanna to the 
northern boundary line of another tract of land purchased of the 


Indians by deed August 22nd, 1749; and then with that boundary 
line to the river Delaware at the north side of the mouth of a 
creek called Lechawachsein, then up the said river Delaware on 
the west side thereof to the intersection of it by an east line to be 
drawn from Owege aforesaid to the river Delaware, and then 
with that east line to the beginning at Owege aforesaid/' 

No sooner was this purchase made known than a crowd of 
Scotch-Irish adventurers who had been among those who roamed 
the forest for game, either of animals or Indians, and others 
who were speculators with a view to securing favorable settle- 
ment, and young men who as surveyors had already seen these 
lands and had been anxious to secure a foothold upon them, 
besieged the land office in the following April and presented their 
claims as having prior right because of improvements which 
they alleged to have made. So great was the number of appli- 
cants that it was deemed necessary to decide by lottery the prior- 
ity of location. The purchasers were limited to three hundred 
acres for each individual, at five pounds per one hundred acres, 
and one penny per acre quit rent. An allotment was made of 
one hundred and four thousand acres to the officers of the pro- 
vincial regiments who had served during the previous Indian 
campaigns, and who were desirous of settling together. Samuel 
Wallis, who was the greatest land speculator on the frontier, 
secured a tract of five thousand acres which extended from 
Larry's Creek, on the north side of the Susquehanna, to Pine 
Creek. His land was surveyed in June, 1772. But he had re- 
ceived his deed April 3rd, 1769. 

In the public newspapers appeared the following Land 
Office advertisement : 

" The Land Office will be open on the third day of April 
next, at ten o'clock in the morning, to receive applications from all 
persons inclinable to take up lands in the New Purchase, upon 
terms of five pounds sterling per hundred acres, and one penny 
per acre per annum quit-rent. No person will be allowed to 
take up more than three hundred acres without a special license 
from the Proprietaries or Governor. The surveys made upon all 
applications are to be made and returned within six months, and 
the whole purchase money paid at one payment, and patent taken 
out within twelve months from the dateof the application, with in- 
terest and quit-rent from six months after the application. If there 


be a failure on the side of the party applying in either proving his 
survey and return to be made, or in paying the purchase money 
and obtaining the patent, the application and the survey will be 
utterly void and the Proprietaries will be at liberty to dispose of 
the land to any other person whatever. And as these terms will 
be strictly adhered to by the Proprietaries all persons are hereby 
warned and cautioned not to apply for more land than they will 
be able to pay for in the time hereby given for that purpose. 

** By order of the Governor. James Tilghman, Secretary of 
the Land Office. 

** Philadelphia Land Office, February 23rd, 1769." 

On the first day the office was open there was a rush of ap- 
plicants and two thousand seven hundred and eighty-two appli- 
cations were issued and directed to the deputy surveyors in their 
respective districts in the purchase of 1768, including the north 
side of the river from Lycoming to Pine Creek. As soon as the 
applications were accepted surveyors were set to work to run the 
lines. In the same month they were in White Deer Hole Valley 
making surveys, and on the first of July in Black Hole Bottom, and 
on the 4th, 5th and 6th in Nippenose. The first survey in this 
Bottom was made on the application of Elizabeth Brown, num- 
bered 44, and included the mouth of the creek. It was made 
July 4th, 1769. This became the home of Colonel Antes. On the 
7th the first survey was made in Nippenose Valley for Ralph 

One settler, Robert Martin, a native of New Jersey, has the 
distinction of building the first house at Sunbury, and this years 
before the town was surveyed by William Maclay. He was also 
the first to open a public house or tavern. After the New Pur- 
chase of 1768 Martin's tavern became the resort of all the land 
speculators and the center of public life. 

In such places and at such times the reckless and improvident 
came to the front. The granting of lands to the officers of the 
late war brought them to the place of their riches and with them 
more or less of those who had served under them, to gather what 
crumbs might fall from the favors of these fortunate men. There 
also came many of that class who are ever on the lookout for ad- 
venture, who live on the excitement that is well spiced with 
hairbreadth escapes and beset by dangers from which men of 


social delights would flee. They were not troubled with over- 
much conscience, and easily gave themselves to the inordinate 
use of whiskey, gambling, and brawls that often ended in horrible 
gouging and other mutilations. They were here to shear the 
lambs and to carry away the fleece. They defied everybody and 
were always ready for a battle. They made splendid Indian 
fighters, but were not adapted to the quiet of family life or the 
sobriety of a civilized community. With such men came the 
surveyors, mostly young men of good families, seeking their for- 
tunes where brains and courage were esteemed. These men went 
boldly into the depths of the forests and measured out the boun- 
daries that were destined to be the foundation of order and home 
to the people whom they served. 

In 1772 so many people had come to the new country that 
a new county was formed, called Northumberland county, and 
the old Indian town of Shamokin, called Fort Augusta, after- 
ward Sunbury, w^as made the county seat, and a new era began. 

The new stage was not marked merely by the erection of 
buildings for dispensing justice and the care of criminals and the 
staking out of land grants, but also the formation of parties and 
the adoption or issues upon wdiich the people might choose the 
men to serve them. 

In Philadelphia at this time the burning question of the 
day was the effort of the Proprietary family to escape from pay- 
ing taxes on their lands on the same basis as that exacted of the 
people. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was the leader of the peoples' 
movement and was pressing vigorously the cause against the 
Penns. The Whig party was divided into two camps, the one 
desiring the King of England to resume direct authority over the 
province and annul the charter to the Penns. while the other 
party hoped that the question might be settled and the government 
remain under its present form and control. The great political 
upheaval that was destined to so soon manifest its vigor was not 
yet apparent to even the most astute of the leaders of public opin- 

The political questions were not confined to the seat of gov- 
ernment but were taken up by the liberty loving people all through 
the colonies. The formation of the new county and the conse- 
quent rivalries of the leading men gave the occasion for these 
public questions to be placed in the fore- front and to lav the foun- 


elation of parties that have endured to the present day. Dr.William 
Plunket was chosen Judge of the Court, and WilHam Cooke, Sher- 
iff. Three years later John Henry Antes received an appointment 
as Justice, and in company with these men began a career of public 
service that has rendered the names of all of them honorable be- 
cause of the brave performance of duty in the most trying circum- 
stances that could have fallen to them. During these days 
strong men were needed to guide public affairs. Important 
questions were at issue requiring the utmost courage and dis- 
crimination. The universal use of w^hiskey, and the habit of 
gambling, produced a class of cases that swelled the criminal 
calendar and called for prompt and severe punishment. There 
were mistakes in settlements of accounts because of the tangled 
currency of the colony. There were questions of rights brought 
out by the encroachments of those whose land boundaries seemed 
to conflict. 

In the appointment of Antes to the Judiciary there was 
a recognition of moral force in the dispensing of justice, as well 
as mental acumen. The adaptability of Antes to this position 
was apparent when it was remembered that from early childhood 
he had been accustomed to decisions touching questions of col- 
onial law, and that his father's house was the resort of those 
most deeply interested in the development of the rights of the 
people within the scope of the common law. Thus there had been 
laid in his mind a foundation for legal reasoning that now served 
him well in the settlement of the complicated questions that nat- 
urally and frequently came before the bench of Justices. 

While these prominent men dwelt in Sunbury or Northum- 
berland during the time of their public service, they had their 
homes in various parts of the county, and were thus in touch 
with the thoughts and wishes of all the men on the frontier. 
During this time the best places of the valleys were being occupied 
by the men who distinguished themselves in the coming troubles. 
They comprised a race of heroes. In 1769 John Brady pur- 
chased a tract of land at Muncy. The same year Samuel WalHs 
took up seven tlunisand acres along the river, and as the repre- 
sentative of the Holland Land Company, secured some kind of 
a hold on nearly all the good lands as far up the river as the 
mouth of Pine Creek. In 1770 John Fleming purchased the land 
where Lock Haven stands, and Nathan Slough the site of Wil- 


liamsport. At the same time Casper Weitzel settled in Sunbury 
and John Weitzel opened a store in the same town. In 1771 
Walter Clarke bought one hundred and fifteen acres in Buffalo 
Valley. In 1772 John Lowden took up his abode in Buffalo 
Valley with slaves. John McCormick settled at Loyalsock, and 
Turbott Nesbit purchased Deer Park, on which the Park Hotel 
of Williamsport now stands. In 1773 James Alexander settled 
on Pine Creek as the first settler there, Andrew Culbertson set- 
tled in Mosquito Valley, William Reed settled at Lock Haven, 
Bratton Caldwell setttled at Pine Run, John Montgomery in 
Turbott Tow^nship and Matthew^ Brown in White Deer. These 
were some of the men who have made the West Branch Valley 
famous. They w^ere the friends and neighbors of John Henry 
Antes — the men with whom he worked to make that beauti- 
ful valley the abode of righteousness and peace. They com- 
prise the roll of honor from which no mutations of events can ever 
displace them. 

So rapidly did the people come that it soon became neces- 
sary to change from a backwoods settlement to that of a town. 
Therefore, on the i6th of June, 1772, the Governor and the 
Council issued an order to Surveyor General Lukens to repair to 
Fort Augusta, and. with the assistance of William Maclay, lay out 
a town for the county of Northumberland, to be called by the 
name of Sunbury, at the most commodious place between the 
forks of the river and the mouth of Shamokin Creek. The 
streets were arranged on the plan of Philadelphia, that is, at right 
angles. Here and there, in choice parts of the town, lots were 
specially reserved for the Proprietaries. The streets were named 
suggestively of their surroundings as follows: Deer, Fawn; 
Elderberry, Hurtleberry, Pokeberry, Blackberry, etc. 

Among the lot holders are the names of the men who soon 
became prominent in the affairs of the county in the beginning 
of its existence, although many of those who at a later period 
were prominent settled across the river in the more aristocratic 
town of Northumberland. Several of the lot holders of Sun- 
bury were prominent as pioneers in the surrounding valleys. Such 
was Elias Yungman, from Berks county, whose brother-in-law 
was the Sheriff of Berks county, and whose grandson married 
Amelia, the granddaughter of Colonel Henry Antes. His lot was 
No. 26, on Shamokin street. 



April 2ncl, 1773, William Maclay wrote as follows: 
" To J. Tilghman, Sir : I inclose you a letter from three of 
the Trustees for the publick buildings of this County, respecting 
some measures which we have lately fallen on to rescue us from 
the scandal of living intirely without any Place of confinement 
or punishment for Villains. Captain Hunter had address enough 
to render abortive every attempt that was made last summer for 
keeping a regular Jail, even after I had been at considerable ex- 
pense in fitting up the Magazine, under which there is a small 
but compleat Dungeon. I am sorry to inform you That he has 
given our present Measures the most Obstinate Resistance in his 
powder and impeded Us with every embarrassment in the Com- 
pass of his Invention. We know nothing of the Footing on 
which Captain Hunter has possession of these Buildings, but 
only beg that the County may be accommodated with this old 
Magazine, with the addition proposed to be made to it, and with 
the House in which I now live, to hold our courts in ; I have re- 
paired the House in which I now live, But expect to have an 
House ready to remove to in Sunbury before our November 
Court. As the present repairs are done intirely by subscription, 
you will readily guess that Captain Hunter is not among the 
number of subscribers. As there are many pieces of old Iron, 
&c., which formerly belonged to the fort, not of any use at pres- 
ent, the Trustees propose using any of them which can be con- 
verted to any advantage for Grates, &c., for our temporary Goal, 
unless they receive contrary directions from Philadelphia. If 
Hell is justly considered as the rendivous of rascals, we cannot 
entertain a doubt of Wioming being the place. Burn'd hands, 
cut Ears, &c., are considered as the certain certificates of super- 
ior merit ; we have certain Accounts of their having had several 
meetings lately to chuse a Sovereign and settle the State, &c., 
for it seems they have not now any Dependence on the Govern- 
ment of Connecticut. The Time of the Descent on the West 
Branch, Fort Augusta, &c., is now fixed for May next: I have no 
Doubt but the Desperate Tem]:)ers of tliese People will hurry them 
into stniie tragical aff^air which will at last rouse our Govern- 
ment when it may be too late to repair the mischief done by them. 
At the same time I am told that tliere are some among them who 
would willingly become quiet sul)jects, and are afraid to own 
their sentiments. Patterson has the other dav been offered 


1,200.00 for the same number of acres not far from your land. 
I would not have you sell. Dr. Plunkit goes down in a few 
days ; 'tis likely I may send another letter by him. 

*' And am with the greatest Esteem, Sir, Your most Obedi- 
ent humble Servant, Wm. Maclay." 

On the 23rd of July, 1774, the Colonial Legislature passed 
an act for lending the sum of eight hundred pounds to fhe coun- 
ty of Northumberland for building a Court House and Prison. 
It was finished in 1776. It was a stone and brick structure, one 
part being used for a court house and the other for a prison. It 
cost $4,000. On the green in front of it the whipping post was 
set up. 



THE roads leading from the country settlements into Philadel- 
phia were oftentimes so miry that the method of travel was 
to leave the wagons at some hostelry at Chestnut Hill or 
Frankford, and proceed to the city on horseback, with panniers at 
the sides, laden with the goods for sale or exchange. This was be- 
fore the day of turnpikes, and the condition of the roads affected 
the methods of trading to a great extent. At Chestnut Hill, Abra- 
ham Rex was one of a number who established stores, or ware- 
houses, from which the country people could get the supplies 
they needed, and not wait until the condition of the roads made 
it possible for them to go into Philadelphia. There was a large 
profit at this time to Rex and men of his trade, which quickly dis- 
appeared when the day of turnpikes came. But by that time they 
were rich in this world's goods. Next to these stores the ones 
that profitted were the inn-keepers, who furnished entertain- 
ment for the farmers, and stabling for their wagons. At Chest- 
nut Hill particularly, and along the Germantown Road, these 
inns were supplied with immense yards, into which the farmers 
drove their wagons, and kept them until they were ready to re- 
turn to their homes. The worse the weather the more the profit 
to the inn-keeper. It was this kind of a place that attracted the 
attention of Henry Antes, and as he had no difficulty hi borrow- 
ing the necessary money from Al.)raham Rex, he was soon es- 
ta1)Iislied in the business of attending to the needs of the travel- 
ling public. 

The -inn was on the thoroughfare along which all the travel 
from Betlilehem to Philadelphia passed, and also the main line 
to the northern part of New ^'ork State. The public post with 
the regular stage relays, the Indian embassies and the officials 
of tlie frontier, the Germans from the Tolpehocking country, and 
the Scotch-Irisli from the IMinisink valleys all came to the city 
by this road. The inn was on one of the main arteries of the 


Province and second to none in the variety and quantity of its 
travel. The German people were clannish and fond of their own 
race. To them there was a desire to rest where their mother 
tongue was spoken. They realized the charm of consanguin- 
ity. Antes was the son of one of their great leaders. No Ger- 
man in the province had a better name than he. The associa- 
tions with the Bethlehem school and the Moravian community 
won that class to his support. The wife of Antes was the daugh- 
ter of an honored German, whose inn at Hanover had won a repu- 
tation and where she had cultivated acquaintances that were now 
renewed with pleasure under these new circumstances. For 
many reasons, we may suppose, a large and profitable patronage 
would be given to the daughter of the well-known inn-holder. 
Moreover, Antes was connected with one of the most prominent 
and wealthy of the Germantown families. Justice Dewees was 
his uncle. The Crefield Paper and Flour Mills had at one time 
belonged to the father and grandfather of Antes. Thirty years 
before there was no name higher in the religious circles of Ger- 
mantown than that of Antes. His brother Frederick was at this 
time one of the Justices of the county, and there was everything 
to assure him prosperity in the establishment he had opened. 
Daily his large yard was filled with the wagons of former neigh- 
bors and friends, and news from Bethlehem and Tulpehocking 
and Hanover was gladly given and received. In this employment 
there was abundant opportunity for the manifestation of that 
cordiality and generous hospitality so natural to the German 
heart. Thus Mine Host was able to keep a place in the hearts 
of his people that made it a pleasure to them to stop at his inn and 
rest before they finished the journey to the city, where the lan- 
guage and the customs of the people were so strange to them. 
These Germans felt safer in the city because Antes directed them 
to the hostelries where Germans were not imposed upon and they 
could get the entertainment needed in the true country German 

Watson says : " The late Indian King Tavern, in High 
street near Third street, was the oldest inn in the city. When 
kept by Mr. Biddle it was a famous house. There the Junto 
held their club and assembled such men as Doctor Franklin, Hugh 
Roberts, Charles Thomson, &c. The Crooked Billet Inn was 
the first house entered by Benjamin Franklin when he came to 


Philadelphia in 1723. The Pewter Platter Inn was at the cor- 
ner of Front and Jones alley. The inn called the Three Crowns 
was w^here Richard Penn and other governors, generals and 
gentry feasted. Pegg Mullen's Beef Steak House, on the east 
side of Water street, w^as the usual stopping place of persons 
from Boston to Georgia. Mrs. Graydon's Boarding House, on 
Front street, was where the officers of the English army and 
such members of noble families as came to the city boarded. The 
Conestoga Inn, on Market street near Fourth, was the resort of 
military and western men. The Black Bear, an old two-story 
frame building on High street near Fifth, was a great resort of 
the western people w^ho came w^ith their wagons. There was a 
large wagon yard attached to it. Other taverns were named 
Admiral Warren, The Turk's Head, The Rattlesnake, The Queen 
of Hungary, The Queen's Head, The Blue. Lion, and the Man 
Loaded With Mischief — the sign being a man carrying his wife 
on his back. Far out of town, on the north side of Vine street, 
between Seventh and Eighth, was a tavern built of wood and 
painted red. It was for years the great rendezvous for the en- 
listments for the army in the Revolution, and for the Indian wars 
afterward. Then it became the resort of the drovers. Between 
it and the city w^ere extensive green commons and fields for sheep 
grazing. At the corner of Front and High streets was the Lon- 
don C(3ffee House, where the Governor and other distinguished 
persons were accustomed to meet and sip coffee. It was here 
that slaves were sold. In 1780 Gifford Daly leased it from the 
owner and in the lease stipulated that he ' covenants and agrees 
and promises that he will exert his endeavor as a Christian to pre- 
serve decency and order in said house, and to discourage the 
profanati(.)n of the sacred name of God Almighty by cursing, 
swearing, &c., and that the house on the First day of the week 
shall always be kept closed from public use, that so regard and 
reverence may be manifested for retirement and worship of God; 
he further covenants that under a penalty of one hundred pounds 
he will not allow or suffer any ])crson to use, play at, or divert 
themselves with cards, dice, back-gammon, or any other un- 
lawful .tfanie/ " 

Clarke's Tnn was where the voters cast their ballots. 
After the Revolution it was called the Half Moon. Watson 
says of it: '' In the colonial days it was long known as Clarke's 


Inn, at which he had the sign of the coach and horses. All that 
we can say of mine host is that he prepared dogs — real dogs — 
for cooking the meat of the epicures and gentry. In 1745 he 
advertises in the public prints that he has for sale several dogs 
and wheels much preferable to any jacks for roasting any joint 
of meat. He trained little dogs, bow-legged dogs, called spit 
dogs, to run in a hollow cylinder like a squirrel, by which im- 
pulse was given to a turn-jack which kept the meat in motion 
suspended before the kitchen fire.'' 

Previously to the Revolution the city of Philadelphia was 
within the limit bounded by Catherine street on the south. 
Seventh street on the west and Race street on the north. Out- 
side of these limits there were occasional houses and clusters of 
houses, but the general expanse was in woods, fields, orchards and 
gardens. Germantown was one street, lined on both sides with 
peach trees, and the main travel through it had all the incon- 
veniences of mud and mire except in dry seasons. The road 
was up and down hill, and hard to travel, thus either going or 
coming the farmers were glad to rest their horses and refresh 
themselves at the inn kept by the genial and progressive Henry 

At this time every traveler that returned from the frontier 
had tales to tell of the marvellous opportunities afforded settlers 
there. In the tap room of the inn these tales were listened to 
with avidity, and the accounts lost nothing in interest in the tell- 
ing. To a man of means aiid prosperous like Antes these presented 
an opening which prudence dictated he should follow. When 
he took a trip through the described lands his mind was con- 
vinced, and he made preparations to leave the settled lands and 
become one of the advance guard on the frontier. At that time 
everything had a roseate hue. The Indians were peaceable: mul- 
titudes were going, and the emigrating fever was well nigh uni- 

It may also have been that by this time he was heartily tired 
of the business into which he had entered. His training and nat- 
ural tastes did not lie in this direction. However good an inn- 
keeper might be, in those days, when drinking was universal, there 
was a great deal of drunkenness. To see such depravity about 
his place was contrary to all his antecedents and training. For 
awhile the strangeness of it could be tolerated because it was a 


branch of legitimate business. The inn-holders were prominent 
in the community and they had influence in all public affairs. 
There was a charm in being looked up to by the men of the 
community as well as the traveling public. There was also a 
delight in being saluted as ?i friend by all the great men and 
prominent men that passed over the leading highways of the 

To minister to their wants, and be called '*Mine Host," was 
flattering to say the least. To break away from this was a severe 
trial of strength of character. The more so, as it led to the op- 
posite experience, setting up a home in a log cabin, where neigh- 
lx)rs were few and solitude was almost supreme. Yet this was 
what Henry Antes did. In this he was encouraged by his 
brothers, for we find that his brother William joined with him to 
purchase a place on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. There 
was a tract of land opposite the Great Island which had on it 
two springs that lay close to the mountain. There was also on 
it a cabin and a blacksmith shop. There were also eight acres of 
it cleared and fenced. It was the home of Nicholas Bonner, a 
blacksmith, who had settled there on the first opening of the New 
Purchase, as an advance servant of the public, with a courage 
that deserved the greatest praise. He had not obtained his deed 
from the Proprietaries, but trusting in the right being done, as 
so many of the settlers were compelled to do, went forward with 
his improvements. When Antes, in his journeying, saw this 
place and learned that Bonner was tired of his work and wished 
to sell, he bought from him, with the understanding that he was 
to pay thirty-five pounds currency, and if a deed could l)e ob- 
tained from the Proprietaries the payment should be sixty-five 
pounds. The article of agreement was signed Septeml>er 29th, 

Henry Antes also united with William and John Dunn, who 
had settled on Higg Island, and jmrchascd land lying on the west 
side of the river near the Bigg Island. They retained this land 
until Xovember, 1776, when they sold it to John Read, of Phila- 

The place chosen by Henry Antes for his home was one of 
the most favored 1( ►cations along the vSusquehanna river. The 
great mountain range rose steep and high al(^ng the south bank of 
the river, with here and there a break in the mountain, through 


which a stream, gathering the waters of the springs and rivulets, 
flowed to the river. The strongest of these streams from Muncy 
to Great Island was that which flowed from the valley, named 
after an old Indian, Nippenucy, Nippenose. 

The valley is oval in shape, about ten miles long and from 
two to three miles wide. It is surrounded by a series of moun- 
tain peaks, each about four hundred feet high, and outside of these 
the chains of unbroken mountains appear. There is but one outlet 
for this valley and that is through the gap forming the bed of the 
creek which Henry Antes named after himself. Antes Creek. The 
Indians had three paths by which they entered or departed from 
the valley, one being over the mountain from White Deer Valley, 
another by Love's, Gap toward the Great Island, and the other 
by the gap along Antes Creek. The valley was evidently at one 
time an inland lake, which finally burst through the mountain 
and swept by the force of the waters the soil from its place down 
uponthebankof theriver. The soil thus swept away now forms the 
great headland that compelled the river to bend in its course, and 
furnished a hill from which the valley of the West Branch, from 
Loyalsock creek to Bald Eagle creek, could be kept in view. 
The sides of the gap through which this mighty rush of waters 
passed is an expanse of bare stones, broken and steep, but now 
tree covered, yet a perpetual reminder of the manner in which 
the inland lake lost its existence. When the earliest settlers came 
they found this valley free from great trees and covered only 
with brush and bushes, and they hastened to settle in a spot from 
which the forest was already removed. The valley is a great 
bed of limestone, forming a rich and fertile soil. All the waters 
that flow into it from the girdle of the hills are lost in the bed 
of the valley and reappear in a great spring at the head of the 
gap, and flow through the gap in a broad stream. The entire 
length of this stream became the property of the Antes family, 
and at the mouth of it Henry Antes determined to build his 
home. From the hill above his cabin there was an extensive view 
of the beautiful valley on the other side of the river, on which 
were a number of squatters who framed a code of laws for their 
own government, called the Fair Play Code. 

When the treaty was made with the Indians concerning 
the New Purchase, there was a misunderstanding concerning one 
of the boundary lines, which affected the ownership of a remark- 


ably fine territory. In the agreement the boundary line was the 
stream called Tiadaghton, and the question was whether it was 
the stream now known as Lycoming creek or that known as 
Pine creek. It was afterwards discovered that by it the Indians 
meant Pine creek, but when they saw the uncertainty, and pos- 
sibly regretting their bargain, and with a spirit of cunning that 
showed their grasping nature, they gave out the impression that 
they had meant Lycoming creek. The geography of the coun- 
try was not as well known then as it is now, or they would not 
have been able to have produced the confusion as to boundaries 
which their complaints engendered. 

When the Xew Purchase was thrown open to settlers there 
was a great rush for the choice locations. It w^s tnie that the offi- 
cers had secured by the grants to them well favored spots, and 
had thus reduced the amount of land, but there was still enough 
to supply every one that made a claim a good location for a home. 
When the claims were presented there were often several claim- 
ing the same location, and it was imix)ssible for the officers of the 
land office to know who had the prior right. In this case they 
resorted to a lottery to decide the favored claimant. There 
were also some who made claims and then sold their claims, thus 
enjoying a speculation of more or less advantage to themselves. 
As the law did not permit one person to take up more than a 
limited acreage, there were some who got other men to take up 
lands for them, paying them for the use of their names, and thus 
in reality setting aside the purpose c^f equal rights which actuated 
the Proprietors in their dealings with the people. But there were 
many true settlers who were in search of a home, and when they 
had chosen it were not disposed to yield their claim to any other 

When the settlers came up the river and saw the valley in 
all its beauty and richness of verdure, they could not be other- 
wise than surprised to see that along the river above Lycoming 
creek the New Purchase was mostly a steep and high mountain, 
risinc: directly from the river shore and covered with a dense 
forest of large trees. While on the other side, in the disputed 
territory, there were level plains and rounded hills, and every ap- 
pearance of extreme fertility. In fact the Indians still claimed 
the garden spot of the West Branch. The Indians called it 
their hunting ground, and no one would dispute but that it was 


a choice place for hunting, but the white man had come to build 
a more lasting structure than a hunter's lodge ; he had come to 
build a home. It was contrary to nature for the white man to 
take to the rocky mountain side with such a plain before him un- 
occupied, particularly when the special presentation of that human 
nature was enclosed within a Celtic skin. The conseciuence was 
that the settlers bade defiance to the treaty and the protests of 
the Indians and the frowns of the people who were law-abiding, 
. and struck their axes into the walnut and oak trees on the plain, 
and built themselves cabins or dug themselves caves, where they 
might lay their hearth-stones, and say to their wives and little 
ones, **This is our home!'' 

In the meantime tlie Indians did not behold this with com- 
placency. When they found that the settlers were determined 
to continue their aggressions, they made their complaints to the 
provincial govemment so sharply that the Penns were alarmed, 
and the Council of State was called together to consider the 
best means of averting evil consequences, such as the previous 
wars with the Indians gave them to understand might be opened 
again. They remembered the advice of the Indians at the 
Easton conference in 1758, in regard to honest dealing in their 
treaty obligations. It was not enough for them to say that these 
white men had no rights there, and that their lands would not be 
surveyed, and thus they could have nc^ deeds or lawful ownership. 
They were there, and die Indians demanded that they should 
remove from thence. Their presence ruined the good hunting. 

On September iStli, 1773, the Governor informed the l)oard 
of Council that he had received information that several families 
had lately squatted themselves on lands on the north side of the 
West Branch of the Susquehanna, beyond the boundaries of the 
late purchase made of the Indians at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 
and it being considered that the making settlements on the Indian 
lands would create great uneasiness among them, and if not im- 
mediately removed, and prevented for the future, might be at- 
tended with fatal consequences, it was the opinion of the Board 
that a proclamation commanding the magistrates and other 
peace officers to enforce and carry the laws for preventing per- 
sons settling on any of the unpurchased lands in this province 
into execution against all persons wlio had already made such 
settlements, or should hereafter transgress the same law; the sec- 


retary was accordingly directed to prepare a draft of a procla- 
mation for that purpose. In accordance with this decision the 
i:)roclamation was immediately drawn by the secretary and ap- 
proved by John Penn September 20tli, 1773. Then it was pro- 
claimed throughout the entire province. The proclamation must 
have been as oil to the wounded feelings of the Indians, for it 
recited that any person settling on these lands, making surveys, 
cutting or marking trees, with the intention of appropriating the 
land, should be apprehended and tried in the Court of Quarter 
Sessions, and if convicted should j^ay a fine of five hundred 
pounds, and suffer imprisonment for twelve months, without 
bail or mainprize, and give surety for good behaviour during the 
space of twelve months from and after the expiration of the term 
of such imprisonment. 

These scjuattcrs, however, held the rights of the Indians in 
supreme contempt, and paid no heed to the mandates of the law. 
With rifles and axes in hand they feared neither a civilized nor 
an uncivilized foe, and they boldly stuck to the land they had 
appropriated as their own. 

But there was more of a law-abiding spirit among them than 
such conduct would indicate, for they recognized the need and the 
benefit of an organized community, and in their own way pro- 
ceeded to put it into effect. They annually elected a tribunal 
in rotation of three of their number, whom they called Fair Play 
men. These men were to decide all controversies and settle dis- 
puted boundaries. From their decisions there was no appeal. 
There could be no resistance. The decree was enforced by the 
whole body, who started up in mass at the mandate of the court, 
and execution and eviction were as sudden and as irresistible as 
the judgment. Every new comer was obliged to apply to this 
powerful tribunal, and upon his solemn engagement to submit 
in all respects to the law of the land he was pennitted to take pos- 
sessif^n of some vacant spot. When any person refused to com- 
ply with the decree, under the code of fair play, he was placed in a 
canoe, rowed down to the mouth of Lycoming creek, the boun- 
dary of civilization, and there set adrift. 

The scat of justice of the Fair Play men was at Chatham's 
Mill, near the mouth of Chathanvs run. 

The following story was related by Joseph Antes, the son 
of Henry Antes: **A squatter named Andrew Clark, who set- 


tied a short distance above the present location of Jersey Shore, 
got possession of a dog that belonged to an Indian. On learn- 
ing who had his dog, the Indian complained to the Fair Play 
men that Clark had stolen his dog. They forthwith ordered 
his arrest and trial for the theft. He was convicted and sen- 
tenced to receive a certain number of lashes, and it was decided 
by lot who should flog him. As many grains of corn as there 
were men were placed in a bag, one of the grains being red, and 
the men drew therefrom. The man who drew the red grain 
should do the flogging. Joseph Antes drew the red grain. 
When the punishment was about to be administered, the Indian, 
who was magnanimous and sympathetic, made the proposition 
that if Clark would abandon the land where he had settled the 
punishment should be remitted. Clark accepted the conditions 
and left the community." 

One of the leading Fair Play men of that time was Bratton 
Caldwell. On the breaking out of Indian hostilities he fled with 
his wife to Lancaster county. When peace was restored they 
returned. On May 2nd, 1785, he took out a pre-emption warrant 
and had three hundred and fifteen acres of land surveyed on the 
tract where he first settled. 

The Fair Play courts were composed of . three commis- 
sioners, as they were termed, and after hearing a case and making 
a decision there was no appeal. Bratton Caldwell was one of 
the commissioners, and according to tradition rendered good 
service. There was a law among the Fair Play men by which 
any man who absented himself for the space of six weeks lost 
his right to his improvement. In a case in court Caldwell testi- 
fied: "In May, 1774, I was in company with William Greer 
and James Greer and helped to build a cabin on William Greer's 
place. (That was a mile north of the river and a half mile west 
of Lycoming creek.) Greer went into the army in 1776, and 
was a wagon master till the fall of 1778. He wrote to me to 
sell his cattle. In July, 1778, the runaway, John Martin, had 
came on the land in his absence. The Fair Play men put Greer 
in possession. If a man went into the army the Fair Play men 
protected his property. Greer came back in 1784." 

William King testified as follows : '' In 1775 I came on the 
land in question. I was informed that Joseph Haines claimed 
the land. He asked thirty pounds for it, which I would not give. 


He said he was going to New Jersey and would leave it in the 
care of his nephew, Isaiah Sutton. Some time after I heard 
that Sutton was offering it for sale. I had heard much dis- 
puting about the Indian land and thought I would go up to Sut- 
ton's neighbors and inquire if he had any right. They told me 
Joseph Haines had once a right to it but had forfeited his right 
by the Fair Play law, and advised me to purchase. Huff showed 
me the consentable line between Haines and him. Huff's land 
lay above Haines' on the river. I purchased of Sutton and was 
to give him nine pounds for the land. I did not come to live 
on the land for some weeks. One night at a husking of com, 
one Thomas Bond told me I was a fine fellow to be at a husking 
while a man was taking possession of my plantation. I quit the 
husking, and Bond and I came over to the place and went into 
a cave, the only tenement then on the land, except where Sut- 
ton lived, and found some trifling articles in the cave which I 
threw out. I went to the men who advised me to go on the 
land, all except Huff and Kemplen; they advised me to go on, 
turn him off and beat him if I was able. The next morning I 
got some of my friends and raised a cabin of some logs which I 
understood Haines had hauled. When we got it up to the square 
we heard a noise of people coming. The first person I saw was 
Edmund Huff foremost with a keg of whiskey, William Paul 
was next with an axe, and many more. They got on the cabin, 
raised the Indian yell, and dispossessed me and put William Paul 
in possession. I and my party went off. Samuel Dougherty 
followed me and told me to come back and come on terms with 
Paul, who had money and would not take it from me for noth- 
ing. I would not go back but waited for Dougherty, who went for 
Paul. The whole party came and brought the keg along. After 
some conversation William Paul agreed to give me thirteen 
pounds for my right. He pulled out the money, gave it to Huff 
to keep until I would assign my right. I afterwards signed the 
conveyance and got the money. William Paul went on the land 
and finished his cabin. Soon after a party brought Robert 
Arthur and built a cabin near Paul's in which Arthur lived. 
Paul applied to the Fair Play men who decided in favor of Paul. 
Arthur would not go off. Paul made a complaint to the com- 
pany at a muster at (now Linden) that Arthur still lived on the 
land and would not go off, although the Fair Play men had de- 


cided against him. I was one of the officers at that time and 
we agreed to come and run him off. The most of the company 
went down as far as Edmund Huff's, who kept stills. We got 
a keg of whiskey and proceeded to Arthur's cabin. He was at 
home with his rifle in his hand, and his wife had a bayonet 
on a stick, and they treatened death to the first person who should 
enter the house. The door was shut, and Thomas Kemplin, our 
captain, made a run at the door, burst it open, and instantly 
seized Arthur by the neck. We pulled down the cabin, threw 
it into the river, lashed two canoes together and put Arthur and 
his family and his goods into them and sent them down the river. 
William Paul then lived undisturbed on the land until the In- 
dians drove us all away." 


WHEN Henry Antes returned to his home in G^rmantown, 
he related his experiences in the most enthusiastic man- 
ner, and awakened such an echo in the minds of his 
sons, that they were ready to brave all the dangers and discom- 
forts of the journey in order to be in the midst of such surround- 
ings. They began at once to make traps for catching wild ani- 
mals, and braiding horse hairs for fishing lines, and sharpened 
their axes for cutting down trees. 

Henry, the eldest, was fifteen years of age, and was thought- 
ful, like his father. He was of a proud nature, and felt the dig- 
nity that belonged to a family holding the prominence accorded 
to the Antes family by the people of the community. Philip, his 
brother, was thirteen, and already gave evidence of that deeply 
religious tendency that afterward made him the standard bearer 
of Methodism in the forests of Center county. These wxre 
the only living children, but there were four little graves in the 
old family graveyard which were hard to leave, as also the grave 
of the mother of these boys, and the grave of the sainted grand- 
father. But when the fever of emigration seized upon the peo- 
ple of that day all other considerations were put asid^ and hope 
lent strength to their every desire. 

The summer days were rapidly passing when the prepara- 
tions were completed and the adventurous family were on their 
way. The two horses were laden with what they could bear, 
comprising only the most necessary things, while the older 
brother stored in the huge market wagons the balance of their 
goods. Thus they started, and traveled over the well worn 
public highway to the landing place at the mouth of the Swatara, 
on the bank of the Susquehanna. From this point the horses 
were sent on overland, while the family with the goods entered 
into boats and were slowly propelled up the river. At this 
early day the roads through the forests were almost impassable 


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for wagons, and the usual mode of transportation was by horse- 
back or by boats. 

The journey seemed long, but the constant novelties of the 
scenery and the changes in vegetation and in animal life kept 
them from weariness. Nor were they alone, for there were 
others travelling to the New Purchase to found homes and try 
the perils of the frontier. The weather was warm and the nights 
cool, so the sleeping in the open air was pleasant, and the days 
passed without their experiencing any of the accidents so com- 
mon to those traveling in a strange country. They had no 
trouble as to food, for the boys fished every day as they passed 
along, sometimes meeting shoals of fish so thickly crowded that 
they could dip them into the boat by a bucket They had brought 
corn w^ith them, and when the boat stopped for the night they 
made a fire and cooked their food and baked their fish, or roasted 
them on an improvised skewer, until their appetites could crave 
no more. 

At length they reached the spot chosen for a landing, and 
there found a party of neighbors who had come from their set- 
tlements to welcome them and extend whatever assistance might 
be necessary to fix them in their new home. 

The introduction to these neighbors was in the way of help- 
fulness, for a house was to be built and a start to be made. The 
neighbors all lived in front of the place selected by Antes for 
his cabin. Back of it was the stern and steep mountain, thickly 
covered with virgin forests. Early in the morning he could 
look over the valley and see the smoke arising from the homes 
of all who had been brave enough to come into this wilderness. 
There was a little curiosity as to the friendliness of the neigh- 
bors, because all whose cabins were within sight were ostensibly 
settlers in violation of law. The ground on the south side of the 
river was not in dispute, but the mountain came so closely to the 
river that there was little attractiveness to the settler except on 
such a point as that secured by Antes. 

There were not many within immediate reach of the stranger 
to welcome him, but among these were Samuel Long, the recently 
appointed constable of the new county, and William McElhattan, 
who was settled about three miles up the river, and Cleary Camp- 
bell, the notoriously lazy man, who was located on the hill above 
the Great Island, and John Harris, the son of Samuel Harris, 



the founder of Harrisburg, who lived across the river from 
Great Island. There were also James Armstrong, who lived just 
across from Long Island on the flats, and James Alexander, who 
had settled on Pine creek, and Alexander Hamilton, who was 
also on Pine creek, and Simon Cool, who occupied the place once 
held by Larry Burt, the Indian trader, at the mouth of Larry's 
creek. Besides these there was Campbell, from Bald Eagle 
creek, and Tourney, the Frenchman, and Antoine White, the 
Catholic, and Nathaniel Davis, the Moravian from Quenischas- 
chachki. These men were the outlying guards of civilization. 
They welcomed the coming strangers and helped them put up 
their cabins, and formed the backwoods communities. Alex- 
ander Hamilton was not only one of the nearest of the neigh- 
bors, but one of the most useful. He had within the shelter of 
his own cabin eight sons and one daughter. The coming of 
other children to the community would afiford them the society 
which they naturally craved. Tourney, the Frenchman, and 
White, the Catholic, had little children, w^hich kept the mothers 
at home, but they could sympathize w^ith the strangers, for before 
the leaves of the trees were colored by the October frosts, there 
came a Httle daughter into the Antes fold. 

The Antes homestead, at Falckner Swamp, was built in the 
old Dutch style of architecture. The lower part was of stone 
and the upper part of wood, with the sides projecting. There 
were large gables to the house, and plenty of room and comfort. 
But in the wilderness the most ordinary shelter of logs, with one 
story and a loft, had to do for a home, the one story being divided 
into two rooms, and serving all the purposes of the most exten- 
sive mansion. The furniture was all hand made, and very little 
at that. There were no stoves and no window glass ; by a steep 
ladder the boys found access to the loft. 

Alexander Hamilton was the genius of the neighborhood, 
and was equally familiar with all the tools required for the work 
of putting up a house, a piece of furniture or an implement to 
cultivate the soil. When he was at a building, the women knew 
that the household requirements would be started right. But in 
this case he had to do for one who was as great a genius as him- 
self. The Antes family were by nature mechanics, and Antes 
was by trade a wheelwright, which included everything, from 


making spinning wheels for the cabin housewife to the building 
of mills for grinding grain or cutting timber. 

There w^ere three stages in the work of putting up a cabin. 
The first day the architect selected the timber in the woods suit- 
able for the dwelling, and it w^as cut down and drawn to the 
place intended for the cabin. The second day the house was 
put together and covered with the roof. The third day the win- 
dow frames and doors were put in, and the table and chairs, or 
stools, made. Then the neighbors had a festive jollification and 
feast, in which they showed their love of pleasure and gave the 
opportunity to the young people to show their rivalry in con- 
tests of strength and skill. Then began in earnest the every day 
work of making the home. 

Some two miles away, on the banks of Pine creek, w^as a 
long, level spot, from which all traces of trees had long ago dis- 
appeared, and which was now covered with high grass. It was 
where the Indians had built their town before the advent of the 
white man, or the repeated early frosts had destroyed their crops 
and compelled them to leave the valley for a more favorable 
location. With this exception, and the few places where settlers 
had broken the face of the forest, there were woods everywhere. 
The uniformity was interrupted only by the curling smoke of the 
cabin fire, and the steady ringing sound of the axe as the settlers 
encroached more and more upon the wealth of woods. Thus 
Antes and his boys began their work, for the time was at hand 
to plant the wheat for the next year's gathering, and in the 
midst of stumps, where the grain could only be gathered by the 
knife or the sickle, the first test of their faith w^as made. When 
this was done the work of cutting down the trees and making 
the fields, of building shelter for the horses and the cattle claimed 
their attention. 

The year 1772 was full of events of importance to the peo- 
ple of the frontier. Antes had no sooner put up the buildings 
to shelter his family than he found it necessary to go down the 
river to Sunbury, and put himself in proper civil relations with the 
authorities of the county. 

Northumberland county was erected on March 27th, 1772, 
from parts of Lancaster, Cumberland, Berks, Northampton and 
Bedford. The first court of the county was held in a small log 
building near Fort Augusta, and was presided over by Dr. Wil- 


Ham Plunket. The associate justices were Turbutt Francis, 
Samuel Hunter, James Potter, William Maclay, John Lowdon, 
Thomas Lemmon, Ellis Hughes and Benjamin Weiser. Wil- 
liam Maclay was the prothonotary and clerk of the several courts. 
Alexander Hunter was county treasurer, and Walter Clarke, 
Jonathan Lodge, Peter Hosterman, James Harrison, Nicholas 
Miller, Jacob Heverling and Samuel Weimer the assessors. 
Joshua Elder, James Potter, Jesse Lukens and William Schull 
were appointed to run the boundary line of the county. These 
were the men w^ho had the making of the county in their hands, 
and their acquaintance was a desirable matter for the new settler. 
Besides these, there were the officers of the First and Second Bat- 
talions of Pennsylvania Regulars, who, because of services ren- 
dered in the previous Indian war, were allowed twenty-four thou- 
sand acres of land to be taken up in three tracts on the waters 
of the Susquehanna and to be divided amongst themselves. This 
gave them the choice of all the country. One of these tracts was 
surveyed near Chillisquaque creek, another in Buffalo Valley, 
and the third on Bald Eagle creek. 

On the 1 6th of June, 1772. the Governor and Council or- 
dered Surveyor General Lukens, assisted by William Maclay, to 
lay out the town of Sunbury, which was immediately done. Thus 
when Antes entered Sunbury it was a regularly laid out town, 
with proper officers of the county, and a number of prominent 
men who had cast their fortunes in the midst of these almost 
unbroken wilds. The newcomer was received with cordial wel- 
come, for his name and the prominence of his father and brothers 
were well known to all those who had to do with the government 
at Philadelphia. 

Whatever may have been the experience of the Antes boys 
in Fredericktown, or in Germantown, there was much to learn 
on every hand in this new country. Sometimes neighboring set- 
tlers would call at their cabin and the conversation would be 
on the varied incidents meeting them daily. There would be 
stories of battles with wild animals, wonderful shots, perils in 
the flood, size of trees, plans for the next year, and the latest 
arrivals as settlers. Then the boys would return these visits, 
and into the attentive ears of their neighbors tell of Philadelphia, 
Germantown, and the stages that stopped at their inn while on 
the way to Bethlehem or New York City. They would also 


describe their visits to the paper mill that was the property at 
one time of their grandfather, and the flour mills along Creasam 
creek, and awaken the astonishment of the neighbor's children, 
who had never seen anything better than the primitive wilder- 
ness methods of turning the grain into flour. But the days were 
passed quickly when they went out into the forest to select trees 
to cut down and transport to the side of their cabin and turn into 
the various uses for which they were adapted. The forest was 
richly burdened with useful trees, and the boys soon learned how 
to use them. 

There is an old book in three volumes, published in 1795, 
that gives a description of the trees found in this section of the 
country and the uses to which they were put. It is quite likely 
that Henry Antes taught his boys the very facts recorded in 
this book. We will imagine ourselves in the forest with the 
father and his two sons, as he points out the different trees and 
defines their qualities. But we will let the language be Winter- 
botham's. He first tells us of the beginning of the homestead, 
clearing the land, then of work and wages, then the trees. 

**When a settler fixes on a spot of land which he usually 
buys, paying for it in gales, his first care is to cut down a few 
trees to build his log house. A man can cut down and lop from 
twenty to thirty in a day of the size proper for the purpose. 
These form the walls of the building. In general the log cabins 
of this kind are such as half a dozen men will easily finish in three 
or four days. Ten guineas worth of labor thus employed will 
lodge a family quite as comfortably as in the better kind of cot- 
tages in England. He then proceeds to grub the land, that is, 
to take up the small. trees, shoots and underwood by the roots; 
these are burnt upon the ground. In a general way this may 
be contracted for at about twenty shillings an acre. It is gener- 
ally reckoned to cost usually five days work of a man, to whom, 
as it is very hard work, the pay is three shillings a day, finding 
him in victuals and allowing him a dram of whiskey morning 
and evening. The price of this kind of work varies according 
to circumstances. Where land is heavily timbered with trees 
of two or three feet diameter, as it is about the heads of the 
creeks and on the islands of the Susquehanna, the underwood 
is in small proportion, but the expense of clearing much greater. 
The land being grubbed, the trees immediately about the house 


are cut down, and for the present another portion is girdled only. 
This process, destroying the vegetation of the branches, lets in 
the light and air sufficiently to ensure a crop the next season. 
The trees cut down are cut into a kind of rail for fences, which 
are made by laying these pieces angular-wise, one on the top of 
another, to the height of six or seven in number, much in the 
same way the logs of a house are laid on each other, but slantjng 
in alternate directions. In new land, after grubbing and gird- 
ling, he plows about two inches and a half deep, then across; 
then sows the seed and harrows it. Upon the average of his 
land his crop of wheat is not above twelve bushels per acre, of 
oats from' fifteen to thirty. The trees cut down are never rooted 
up. The value of the land gained will not pay the expense of 
doing this. They are cut ofif about eighteen inches to two feet 
from the ground. The side roots are obstructions to the plow 
for about two years w^hen they are completely rotted. The ex- 
pense of clearing heavily timbered land is considerable, some- 
times to the amount of five or six pounds to the acre, but the 
great fertility of this kind of land affords ample recompense. 
In general, the wiiole expense is not forty shillings per acre. 
Part of the expense is met by the sale of the potash obtained 
in burning the wood. The land surveyors have four pounds per 
thousand acres for surveying a tract of land and making return 
of it, but as the owner finds laborers and provisions, these, wuth 
other incidental expenses, will make the cost of surveying alto- 
gether about twenty shillings per one hundred acres. Planters 
of any consequence frequently have a small distillery as a part 
of their establishment. A Mr. White, on the banks of the Sus- 
quehanna, near Sunbury, has one which njay serve as a speci- 
men of this kind. He has two stills, the one holding sixty and 
the other one hundred and fifteen gallons. To a bushel and a 
half of rye, coarsely ground, he adds a gallon of malt and a hand- 
ful of hops; then he pours on fifteen gallons of hot water, and 
lets it remain foiu* hours, then adds fifteen gallons and a half 
more of hot water, making together a barrel of thirty-one gallons 
and a half; this is fermented w^ith about two quarts of yeast. In 
summer the fermentation lasts four days, in winter six. Of 
this wash he puts to the amount of a hogshead in the larger still 
and draws off about fifteen gallons of weak spjrit, which is after- 
ward rectified in the smaller still seldom more than once. One 


bushel of rye will produce about eleven quarts of saleable whiskey, 
which fetches per gallon four shillings and sixpence by the 
barrel. The prices of produce and labor are, to husbandmen, 
twenty-five pounds a year with board, washing and lodging; 
or six dollars a month, or two shillings and sixpence a day in 
common, and three shillings in harvest time. For mowing an 
acre there is paid three shillings, finding victuals and a pint of 
W'hiskey, or four and sixpence without finding anything else. 
Women in reaping have as much wages as men, but at hay 
making only fifteen pence a day and their victuals. The price 
of wheat is six shillings and sixpence a bushel; maize, three 
shillings and ninepence; rye, four to five shillings; oats, two to 
two and sixpence ; buckwheat, two shillings and sixpence ; salted 
pork, thirty-three shillings per cwt." 

When the cabin was put in proper condition for sheltering 
the household, Antes took his sons out into the woods to select 
trees for the various purposes required to make their home com- 
fortable, and to supply the necessities which they had been ac- 
customed to in the home Hfe near Philadelphia. The training 
Antes had received from his father in the use of tools, involving 
the nature of woods, ^w^as now of good service. He knew just 
what was wanted and the uses to which it could be put, and this 
knowledge he taught to his boys. From the top of the hill above 
the cabin the view of the forests, river, mountain and valley re- 
vealed the nature of the soil from the size and quality of the 
trees. The colors of the leaves and the density of the groves 
also revealed the presence of streams, or springs, or swamps, 
or gravelly soil, or rocky bluffs, or dry lands. From this van- 
tage height they saw the groves of similar trees, and also where 
a stray tree of one kind had crept into the fold of other kinds. 
Seeing where these strangers were struggling victoriously for an 
existence, they marked the locality and determined to visit them 
and see their value from a mechanical standpoint. The lads were 
not ignorant of trees, or the uses of woods, but the great richness 
of the supply here captivated them and they formed great plans 
as to what they would do. 

Looking below them at the bed of the creek from where it 
came out of the mountain gap to the border of the cleared land, 
they saw a swamp filled w^ith birch, and beech, and elms, and 
gro\es of sugar maple. Farther in the gap there was an abun- 


dance of oaks, while all along the mountain were huge pines. 
In the level lands across the river were quantities of walnut and 
butternut trees. Thus there was the prospect of material for 
every necessity. The first thing to do was to see that their axes 
were sharp. Then, when they had partaken of a good breakfast 
of corn bread and bear's meat, they sallied forth. 

The first tree they selected was an elm, the inner rind of 
which they wanted to make into chair bottoms, because it was 
stringy and tough, and they also wanted some of the wood for 
cart wheel naves, because it would not easily split. Near the 
elm was a sassafras tree, which. delighted the boys, for the bark 
of the root made such a delicious beverage. It was a tonic to the 
blood and pleasant to the taste. The body of the tree was cut 
into lengths to make bedsteads, for the wood w^as not only hand- 
some, but also that bugs had an extreme aversion to the wood 
and positively declined to harbor about it. Not far from the 
sassafras was a wild cherry tree, which could not be neglected, 
for the bark soaked in water furnished a tonic that helped the 
appetite and restored the declining strength. Moreover, the 
color, texture and smooth grain of the wood made it possible for 
its use in cabinet work, such as cupboards ^nd boxes. 

As they passed to a soil that was more of the nature of gravel 
they came to locust trees. These they wanted for posts to make 
sheds for the protection of their cattle, for they would resist the 
influences of the soil better than other woods and were easily 
split into the size and shape they wanted. As the boys sought 
a spring to quench their thirst they came to some birch trees, 
and the quantity and size of them suggested the uses to which 
the Indians put these trees. These men of the forest made 
dishes and boxes and canoes of the bark of the birch. The pecu- 
liarity of this bark was that it would not rot. The wood w^ithin 
it often completely fell away by rotting, but the bark stood en- 
tire. The boys remembered that they could split the lamina of 
the bark and write upon it with the ink they would make from 
the puff balls found on the scrub oaks. Also the leaves of one 
variety, and the twigs, too, made an excellent beverage that was 
even more pleasant than sassafras. When the Indians made 
canoes of the birch bark they sewed the strips together with the 
slender tough filaments of spruce and cedar roots and cemented 
the joints with turpentine from the pine. Soon after they came 


to a grove of beech trees, of which they got material for withes 
and switches. These served them in the place of ropes in many 
uses about their stables and sleds and carts. 

The next time they wxnt tree hunting they looked for the 
large white pines which so handsomely graced the sides of the 
mountain. This tree was considered the property of the King, 
and no one dared cut one down without permission. But that 
rule was done away with at the beginning of the Revolution. 
Then the man who owned the ground also owned the trees upon 
it, and cut down what he pleased. The great pines w^ere the 
pride of the forests. They rose to a commanding height, and 
their topmost branches spread out and were visible from a long 
distance. The wood was soft and spongy and easily worked. 
It could be made into all kinds of things that any other tree 
could be used for, and was the favorite tree for boards. The 
larger trees were cut down and shaped into canoes. Some 
of them were large enough to hold a score of people. In after 
years the pines that were in the fields where the grain was sown 
were cut down and the roots were dug up and placed on edge 
around the fields, making an impenetrable and durable fence. 
They were hideous to see, being suggestive of an infinite numl^er 
of huge serpents in various contortions, their white surface ap- 
pearing almost ghastly in the bright light of the full moon. Tur- 
pentine was made from the pitch pine, which w-as smaller than 
the w^hite pine, and much harder in texture. The knots of the 
pitch pine furnished them with the best of fuel. The boys 
learned where the old trees, having died and fallen, were rotting 
away, leaving the knots hard and full of pitch. These they car- 
ried to the cabin, and in the evenings, lighting them, were able 
to see as well and even better than when candles were used. As 
a fuel the pine knots lasted much longer and gave more heat than 
the other woods of the forest. In the making of canoes tur- 
pentine was essential to calk them and make them water-tight. 
The l:)oys were soon inducted into the method of making turpen- 
tine. It was this: They selected a place that was level, about 
fifteen feet in diameter, which they raised in the middle and made 
circular in form, and tramped the clay surface until it was 
smooth and hard. They cut the wood in long thin pieces and 
stood them upright in a conical pile, and covered it all over with 
heavy sod, leaving a hole at the top. Then the wood was set on 


fire, and the confined heat melted the resinous juices of the wood, 
which flowed out into the gutter at the bottom of the pile. It was 
then put into barrels and was ready for use. 

The next time the lads were taken into the woods it was 
to obtain some spruce to add to the birch and still further im- 
prove the quality of the home-made beverage that was perfectly 
safe for the women and children to drink. When they had car- 
ried the branches home, they bowled the young twigs until they 
could easily strip the bark, and this they sweetened with the 
molasses made from the sugar maple. They found plenty of 
alder by the side of the creek, which they turned into charcoal 
and used to produce an intense heat for melting metals in the 
blacksmith shop. They found excellent oak trees on the hill 
side above the creek, which they cut into lengths for barrel staves 
and buckets which were always needed. In low wet places they 
found the swamp oak, which was more elastic than that found 
on dry ground. The lads were pleased when they found some 
tall straight trees of white ash. They had found so many rat- 
tlesnakes in the course of their travels through the woods that 
they feared being bitten. They knew if they were that the 
leaves and bark of the white ash was an excellent antidote. Of 
the body of the tree they made oars for their boats, and frames 
for their carts, and beams for their plows, and handspikes by 
which they rolled the logs they had cut. They took the black 
ash and pounded it with a maul until it was a mass of splints, and 
these they tied with withes, and thus had excellent brooms, to the 
delight of the housewife. The chestnut tree they used for staves 
and headings for casks, and gathered the nuts for food. But 
the nut they valued most of all was the walnut, with its rich, oily 
taste, and with it the butternut, and then the hickory nut. The 
butternut they gathered for their mother as the family doctor. It 
was a benefit to them all when sick. Out of the bark of the tree 
she made a decoction that was mild as a purgative, and did not 
leave the system in a weakened condition; and no family was 
equipped for sickness without plenty of it on hand. Thus day 
after day they went into the woods and came home with some- 
thing new to add to their comfort or their power of subduing 
the land or mastering the waters. 

Once in Philadelphia the lads had seen the great clubs car- 
ried by the constables as they watched the safety of the city. 


One day the boys came in from the woods, each of them carry- 
ing a club made of hickory, which they declared was the proper 
weapon with which to meet snakes or even bears. If a club could 
subdue a man, why was it not sufficient to subdue a wnld beast? 
Out of the same hickory they made bows like the Indians car- 
ried, and arrows of ash, and strings of the entrails of animals. 
Thus they prepared themselves for their forest life. 

In regard to trees their father said to them : " All woods 
which grow on high land are more firm and solid and better for 
timber and fuel than that which grows in swamps. The same is 
true of that which grows in the open, and that w^hich grows in the 
thick shade of the forest. The pine is an exception. The wood 
of trees stripped of their bark in the spring and left to dry stand- 
ing till they are dead is harder, heavier and stronger, more solid 
and durable, than that of trees felled in their bark ; and that the 
sappy part of wood without bark is not only stronger than the 
common but much more so than the heart of wood in bark, 
though less heavy. This is because trees increase in size 
by additional coats of new wood which is formed from the run- 
ning sap between the bark and the old wood. Trees stripped of 
their bark form none of these new coats, and though they live 
after the bark is taken oflf they do not grow. The substance 
destined to form the new wood, finding itself stopped and ob- 
liged to fix in the void places, both of the sap and the heart, aug- 
ments the solidity and consequently the strength of the wood.'' 

But of all the trees there was none that interested the boys 
so much as the sugar maple. From this all the sugar they could 
have for household use must be obtained. Being in the forest 
and away from the conveniences of civilization did not suppress 
their love of sweets. The sugar maples were their confectionery 
stores, and also the supply of sweets for their tea, or coffee, or 
chocolate, or home-made beer or cider. 

When the boys were rambling in the woods they slaked 
their thirst at springs of purest water, but when they returned to 
the cabin or to the camp, if they were on a hunting or survey- 
ing excursion, they wanted a prepared drink. One of the 
charming features of home life then, as now, was in the delicacies 
of the table. The skill of the housewife is often measured by 
her viands prepared to suit the taste of her family or guests. 

Among the notes left by Samuel Wallis is a statement of 


the supplies forwarded to John Adlum for the use of his sur- 
veying party. This gives us an insight as to the tastes and cus- 
toms of the people who, in the wild woods, carried the tastes of 
civilization with them. Among the articles were the following : 

Ten barrels of brown sugar, five loaves of loaf sugar, one 
thousand five hundred pounds of chocolate, ten pounds of Schos- 
hong tea, four barrels of split peas, twelve pounds of coffee. 

This, as well as almost every bill of groceries and provisions 
found among Wallis's papers, indicates that chocolate was then, 
in this section at least, a more common beverage than tea or cof- 
fee. Though a more common drink than either tea or coffee, yet 
it was not by any means the most conmion table beverage on the 
frontier in that era. The great majority of the first settlers 
were unable to indulge in luxuries, and they soon found many 
substitutes for imported tea and coffee and chocolate. Store 
tea and coffee and chocolate, when they were fortunate enough 
to have a supply, were often kept in reserve, like the silver spoons, 
best dishes and table cloths, for company. Sage, thyme, pepper- 
mint, spicebush, spearmint and wintergreens were among the 
substitutes for tea, w^hile browned corn, rye, bran, bread, chicory, 
dandelion roots, chestnuts, beechnuts and peas were among the 
resources that took the place of coffee and chocolate. 

The position of the wife in the frontier cabin was not less 
important than that of her husband. She w^as, indeed, his help- 
meet. Her duties were to attend, not only to the preparation 
of the daily food and keeping the home in condition, but also to 
make the clothing that they wore. She was the milliner, and 
mantua maker, and dressmaker, and clothier, and weaver, and 
knitter, and tailor, and hatter, and manufacturer of staple goods 
from the first condition of raw material. In every cabin there 
was the distaff and the spinning wheel. The evenings were not 
spent in idleness, but while the room was lighted by the flames 
from the pine knots the spinning wheel sung its buzzing song, 
and the loom rapidly changed the yarn into warm and bright 

When a place for a home was selected the wishes of the 
housewife were consulted. There must be a good piece of dry 
land tliat could be leveled and pulverized so that no great lumps 
or stones would mar its surface, where the flax could be planted 
early in the spring, so that the plants in growing might have 


such a start of the weeds that the latter enemy would be left 
far behind in the struggle for an existence. Then when the 
\varm days of mid-summer came, the stalks, having reached the 
right hue, showing just the degree of ripeness to make the best 
quality of thread, were pulled by hand and the dirt was knocked 
from the roots and the roots kept evenly together and assorted 
so as to put the same lengths and the same colors in the same 
piles. In the meantime a trench had been dug near the creek 
and running parallel with it, about forty feet long and six feet 
wade, into which the creek water had been run and left stand- 
ing until the warm rays of the sun had taken the chilling fresh- 
ness from it and it had become the pleasure ground of innumer- 
able little polliwogs. Then the stalks of flax were fastened even- 
ly, and with their seed ends dow^n in the water and their whole 
surface under the water, so that the water would wash them 
thoroughly, the whole was covered from the glaring beams of 
the sun. Here it w^as left for days and weeks until all the mu- 
cilaginous matter was swept from the stalks and the fibres could 
be separated from each other without breaking or in any way in- 
juring the stalks. When this process had reached a satisfac- 
tory stage the flax was taken carefully out of the water and 
loosely and thinly spread on a grassy surface w^here there would 
be an evenness of sun that all parts might be affected alike. Here it 
was turned over when ready, until it became properly whitened and 
ready for the next stage of preparation, when it was subjected 
to pounding wath a mallet across the fibre, thus separating the 
useless woody part or the core from the harle, or bark, which was 
the flax. The scutching, as this process was called, had to be 
done carefully so as to keep all parts in the same condition. 
When the flax was thus prepared, the quality of it depended 
upon the care and skill that had been exercised from the be- 
ginning. Thus the housewife felt a pride in the success that 
attended her exertions. As in the most primitive times, a rod of 
wood about ten inches -in length, rounded and tapering toward 
both ends, with a notch at the upper extremity and a perfor- 
ated disc in the middle, was now^ used to gather the yarn as the 
spinning was done. The spindle, and flier, and bobbin were 
valuable implements, and as the mother used the foot treadle 
and with botli hands worked two spindles simultaneously, 
one in her right hand and one in her left, she aroused the ad- 


miration of the husband, who, through with the work out of 
doors, was resting and watching the roll of yarn grow larger 
and larger. Those were the days when the people who met in 
the grove for worship, or at the village store for barter, or by 
the liberty pole to express their political sentiments, wore home- 
spun, and thus by the clothing of the members of her household 
the housewife gained a reputation in the public eye by an evi- 
dence that was beyond cavil and dispute. In the appearance of 
her family, Sophia Antes had no occasion to be ashamed. 

The following quotation from the history of Montgomery 
county will add interest to our study of the life of the early set- 
tlers : 

*' From the force of circumstances the early settlers were 
generally compelled to lead what would now be considered a 
rugged and laborious life. To clear the land and bring it under 
tillage and to provide comfortable buildings against the inclem- 
encies of the seasons must have required considerable effort. 
Roads had to be opened, streams bridged, or made passable, so as 
to allow of communication with the rrfill, the market or the 
metropolis. Toil alone could accomplish this, but continued toil 
would not content man with his condition. A change would 
bring recreation which leads to amusement or diversion. The 
latter, when properly pursued and directed, must lead to en- 
joyment. Our ancestors had their sports and pastimes to vary 
the monotony of existence, though they may have been few and 
rude, yet they were adapted to their condition and unquestion- 
ably gave them pleasure. Among the sports of the past, the fox- 
hunt figured prominently. This animal, it appears, was toler- 
ably abundant and often destructive to lambs and poultry in gen- 
eral. From the minutes of the County Commissioners we ascer- 
tain, under date of July 27th, 1719, that it is ^Ordered that the 
treasurer reserve and keep in his hands out of the present tax 
the sum of fifty pounds, to be applied as the law directs for wolves 
and foxes heads.' Peter Matson, who resided at Matson's Ford 
(now West Conshohocken ) during the Revolution, was an in- 
veterate fox hunter, who kept a number of hounds for this pur- 
pose and gave considerable time in their pursuit. Dr. Archi- 
bald McClean, of Horsham, also kept his hounds and was ad- 
dicted to this sport." 

Nearly all kinds of labor would be frequently performed 


and lightened through *frohcs' in which nearly the whole neigh- 
borhood would be invited to join. Thus they had their grub- 
bings, house-raisings, log-rollings, wood-choppings, flax-pullings, 
corn-huskings, apple-cuttings, apple butter boilings, quiltings 
and other gatherings which tended to encourage and enliven in- 
tercourse. Shad and herring fishing in the rivers gave them 
both food and sport. The pursuit of the deer, the wolf, the bear, 
the turkey and the pheasant also gave them diversion. Raccoon 
and possum hunting by moonlight were not neglected, and at 
times in the spring and fall wild pigeons were captured in nets 
in great numbers. All these tended to divert and were looked 
upon as sport and pastime from the general labors of the farm 
or workshop. Even in the gloomy hours of the Revolution, 
when contending armies would occasionally meet in conflict with- 
in the territory of our present county, recreation was not en- 
tirely forgotten from the numerous incidents that tradition has 
preserved. Dr. Benjamin Rush, in his biographical sketch of 
Mrs. Ferguson, of Graeme Park, mentions that she was fond 
of spinning flax and thread for linen, as was the common cus- 
tom. For one of those occasions of rustic simplicity and merry- 
making, a neighboring spinning frolic, she was requested to 
compose a song, which was duly furnished and became popular. 
This was copied by the writer many years ago from her manu- 
scripts. She mentions that it was the custom of the owner of 
the flax to distribute a hand or a dozen of the cuts apiece among 
the young women of the neighborhood, which they would spin 
and reel at their homes, and on an appointed day return to his 
house. Here they were provided with refreshments and a sup- 
per, when in the evening the young men joined them. Here is 
the song: 


Since Fate has ordained us these rural abodes, 
Far distant from honor and fortune's high roads, 
Let us cheerfully pass through life's innocent vale. 
Nor look up to the mountain since fixed in the dale ; 
When storms rage the forest and mighty trees fall, 
The low shrub is sheltered that clings to the wall. 
So let our wheels and reels go merrily round, 
While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 


Tho' the great deem us little and do us despise, 
Let them know it is wise to make little suffice. 
In this we will teach them, altho' they are great. 
It is always true wisdom to bend to our fate; 
For tho' King or Congress should carry the day. 
We farmers and spinners at least must obey. 
Then let our wheels and reels go merrily round. 
While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 

Our flax has its beauties, an elegant green, 
When it shoots from the earth enamels the scene; 
When broken and moistened in filaments fine. 
Our maidens they draw the flexible line; 
Some fine as a cobweb, while others more coarse, 
To wear but of week days, of substance and force. 
Then let our wheels and reels go merrily 'round. 
While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 

Since all here assembled to card and to spin. 
Then, girls, be nimble, and quickly begin 
To help Neighbor Friendly, and when we have done 
The boys they shall join us at set of the sun; 
Perhaps as brisk partners shall lead us thro' life, 
And the dance of the night end in husband and wife. 
So let our wheels and reels go merrily round. 
While health, peace and virtue among us are found." 

Grandmother's Spinning Wheel. 



AT THIS day when there are so many aspirants for public 
favor, in picturing the daily living of our ancestors there 
is a tendency to win applause by throwing the glamor of 
the refinement of to-day over the nakedness of that time. Too 
often it is beautiful reading but it is not history. 

In order to avoid that result, let us look at the daily life of 
the settlers as depicted by one w^ho was among them, and one of 
them, and has given his observations simply to convey to his 
readers the truth concerning his neighbors. The writer, to 
whom w^e will now attend, is the Reverend Samuel Doddridge, 
whose notes are pronounced by Hon. Theodore Roosevelt to be 
the best and most reliable of all books on this subject. 

Hunting, — It was no uncommon thing for families to live 
several months without a mouthful of bread. It frequently hap- 
pened that there was no breakfast until it was obtained from the 
woods. Fur and peltry were the people's money. They had 
nothing else to give in exchange for rifles, salt, and iron on the 
other side of the mountains. The fall and early part of the win- 
ter was the season for hunting deer, and the whole of the 
winter, including part of the spring, for bears and fur-skinned 
animals. It was a customary saying that fur is good during 
every month in the name of w^hich the letter R occurs. The 
class of hunters with whom I was best acquainted were those 
whose hunting ranges were on the eastern side of the river, and 
at the distance of eight or nine miles from it. As soon as the 
leaves were pretty well down and the weather became rainy, 
accompanied with light snows, these men, after acting the part 
of husbandmen so far as the state of warfare permitted them to 
do so, soon began to feel that they were hunters. They became 
uneasy at home. Everything about them became disagreeable. 
The house was too warm. The feather bed too soft, and even 
the good wife was not thought, for the time being, a proper com- 



panion. The mind of the hunter was wholly occupied with the 
camp and chase. I have often seen them get up early in the 
morning at this season, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to 
the woods and snuflf the autumnal winds with the highest rap- 
ture, then return into the house and cast a quick and attentive 
look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple 
of buck horns, or little forks. His hunting dog, understanding 
the intentions of his master, w^ould wag his tail and by every 
blandishment in his power express his readiness to accompany 
him to the woods. 

A day was soon appointed for the march of the little cav- 
alcade to the camp. Two or three horses furnished with pack- 
saddles were loaded with flour, Indian meal, blankets and every- 
thing else requisite for the use of the hunter. A hunting camp, or 
what was called a half- faced cabin, was of the following form : 
The back part of it w^as sometimes a large log; at the distance of 
eight or ten feet from this two stakes were set in the ground a 
few inches apart, and at the distance of eight or ten feet from 
these two more, to receive the ends of the poles for the sides of 
the camp. The whole slope of the roof was from the front to 
the back. The covering was made of slabs, skins or blankets, 
or, if in the spring of the year, the bark of hickory or ash trees. 
The front was entirely open. The fire was built directly be- 
fore this opening. The cracks betw^een the logs were filled with 
moss. Dry leaves served for a bed. It is thus that a couple of 
men in a few hours will construct for themselves a temporary 
but comfortable defense from the inclemencies of the w^eather. 
A little more pains would have made a hunting camp a defense 
against the Indians. A cabin, ten feet square, bullet proof and 
furnished with port holes, would have enabled two or three hun- 
ters to hold twenty Indians at bay for any length of time. But 
this precaution, I believe, was never attended to ; hence the hun- 
ters were often surprised and killed in their camps. The site 
for the camp was selected with all the sagacity of the woodsman, 
so as to have it sheltered by the surrounding hills from every 
wind, but more especially from those of the north and west. 

Hunting was not a mere rambling in pursuit of game, in 
which there was nothing of skill and calculation ; on the contrary, 
the hunter, before he set out in the morning, was informed by 
the state of the weather in what situation he might reasonably 


expect to meet with his game — whether on the bottom, sides or. 
tops of the hills. In stormy weather the deer always seek the 
most sheltered places, and the leeward side of the hills. In rainy 
weather, in which there is not much wind, they keep in the open 
woods on the highest ground. In every situation it was requi- 
site for the hunter to ascertain the course of the wind, so as to 
get the leeward of the game. This he affected by putting his 
finger in his mouth and holding it there until it became warm, 
then holding it above his head ; the side wdiich first becomes cold 
shows which way the wind blows. As it w^as requisite, too, for 
the hunter to know the cardinal points, he had only to observe 
the trees to ascertain them. The bark of an aged tree is thicker 
and much rougher on the north than on the south side. The 
same thing may be said of the moss. It is much thicker and 
stronger on the north side than on the south side of the trees. 

The w^hole business of the hunter consists in a succession 
of intrigues. From morning till night he is on the alert to gain 
the wind of his game, and approach them without being discov- 
ered. If he succeeds in killing a deer, he skins it and hangs it 
up out of the reach of the wolves, and immediately resumes the 
chase till the close of the evening, when he bends his course to- 
wards the camp. When he arrives there he kindles up his fire, 
and, together with his fellow hunter, cooks his supper. The 
supper finished, the adventures of the day furnish the tales for 
the evening. The spike buck, the two and three pronged buck 
figure through their anecdotes with great advantage. After 
hunting awhile on the same ground the hunters become ac- 
quainted with nearly all the gangs of deer within their range, 
so as to know each flock of them when they see them. Often 
some old buck, by the means of his superior sagacity and watch- 
fulness, saves his little gang from the hunter's skill by giving 
timely notice of his approach. The cunning of the hunter and 
that of the old buck are staked against each other, and it fre- 
(juently happens that at the close of the hunting season the old 
fellow is left the free, uninjured tenant of his forest. Many of 
the hunters rest from their labors on the Sabbath day; some from 
a motive of piety; others say that whenever they hunt on Sun- 
day they are sure to have bad luck all the rest of the week. 

The House Warming. — A spot was selected on a piece of 
land of one of the parents for their habitation. A day was ap- 


pointed shortly after their marriage for commencing the work 
of building the cabin. The fatigue party consisted of choppers, 
whose business it was to fell the trees and cut them off at proper 
lengths. A man with a team for hauling them to the place and 
arranging them, properly assorted, at the sides and ends of the 
building; a carpenter, if such he might be called, whose business 
it was to search the woods for a proper tree for making clap- 
boards for the roof. The tree for this purpose must be straight- 
grained, and from three to four feet in diameter. The boards 
were split four feet long, with a large frow, and as wide as the 
timber would allow ; they were used without planing or shaving. 
Another division were employed in getting puncheons for the 
floor of the cabin; this was done by splitting trees about eigh- 
teen inches in diameter, and hewing the face of them with a broad- 
axe. They were half the length of the floor they were intended 
to make. The materials for the cabin were mostly prepared on 
the first day, and sometimes the foundation laid in the evening. 
The second day was allotted for the raising. In the morning 
of the next day the neighbors collected for the raising. The first 
thing to be done was the election of four corner men, whose busi- 
ness it was to notch and place the logs. The rest of the com- 
pany furnished them with the timbers. In the meantime the 
boards and puncheons were collecting for the floor and roof, 
so that by the time the cabin was a few rounds high the sleepers 
and floor began to be laid. The door was made by sawing or 
cutting the logs in one side so as to make an opening about three 
feet wide. This opening was secured by upright pieces of tim- 
ber about three inches thick, through which holes were bored 
into the ends of the logs for the purpose of pinning them fast. 
A similar opening, but wider, was made at the end for the chim- 
ney. This was built of logs, and made large, to admit of a back 
and jambs of stone. At the square, two end logs projected a foot 
or eighteen inches beyond the walls to receive the butting poles, 
as they were called, against which the ends of the first row of 
clap1x)ards were supported. The roof was formed by making the 
end logs shorter, until a single log formed the com!:) of the roof ; 
on these logs the clapboards were placed, the ranges of them 
lapi)ing some distance over those next below them, and kept in 
their places by logs placed at proper distances upon them. The 
roof, and sometimes the floor, were furnished on the same dav 


as the raising. A third day was commonly spent by a few car- 
penters in leveling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a 
table. This last was made of a split slab and supported by four 
round legs set in augur holes. Some three-legged stools were 
made in the same manner. Some pins stuck in the logs at the 
back of the house supported some clapboards which served for 
shelves for the table furniture. A single fork, placed with its 
lower end in a hole in the floor and the upper end fastened to a 
joist, served for a bedstead, by placing a pole in the fork with 
one end through a crack between the logs of the wall. This 
front pole was crossed by a shorter one within the fork, with its 
outer end through another crack. From the front pole, through 
a crack between the logs of the end of the house, the boards were 
put on which formed the bottom of the bed. Sometimes other 
l)oles were pinned to the fork a little distance above these for the 
purpose of supporting the front and foot of the bed, while the 
walls were the support of its back and head. A few pegs around 
the walls for the display of the coats of the women and the hunt- 
ing shirts of the men, and two small forks or buck horns to a 
joist for the rifle and shot-pouch completed the carpenter work. 
In the meantime the masons were at work. With the heart 
pieces of the timber, of which the clapboards were made, they 
made billets for chunking up the cracks between the logs of the 
cabin and the chimney; a large bed of mortar was made for 
daubing up these cracks ; a few stones formed the back and jambs 
of the chimney. The cabin being furnished, the ceremony of 
house-warming took place before the young couple were per- 
mitted to move into it. The house-warming was a dance of a 
whole night's continuance, made up of relations of the bride and 
groom, and their neighbors. On the day following the young 
couple took possession of their new mansion. 

IVindozi' Glass. — The story of this luxury forms a most in- 
teresting episode in our local history. The present century was 
well advanced before the cost of window glass became low enough 
to displace the use of oiled paper except among the well-to-do 
inhabitants. In his autobiography, Tunison Coryell relates that 
during the year 1803, while he lived in Buffalo Valley, the asses- 
sor would count the panes of glass in a house: when the old 
ladies, upon hearing him approach, would often remove the glass 
and substitute oiled paper until after the returns were made, in 


order to escape the tax, which was very unpopular. The earliest 
mention of window glass, at least west of the Muncy hills, oc- 
curs in an original paper, yet in existence, giving a *'Rough plann 
of the scite of Mr. Samuel Wallis' Mill at Muncy,'' dated Novem- 
ber, 1785, over the name of George Hunter, who was doubtless 
the architect. The plan is laid down by a scale of eight feet to 
an inch and describes a building to be twenty by twenty-four 
feet, evidently a grist mill, though the method of grinding is 
not mentioned. It was built on Carpenter's Run, not far from 
the river. Mr. Antes is referred to in a manner that would in- 
dicate that he was the mill-wright. The specifications call for 
two glass windows in the second story and attic. In the ap- 
praisement of the personal property of Samuel Wallis, November 
20th, 1798, mention is made of seventy-tw^o panes window glass 
at 8d; five hundred panes Bull's eye do. at 2d. The Bull's eye 
may be described as follows : "The panes are not exactly square, 
though almost seven by seven inches, and from three-sixteenths 
of an inch in thickness at the edge to three-quarters of an inch 
at the bull's eye, which was rarely in the middle and which was 
doubtless the gate in the casting. Though smooth and quite 
clear the glass is not entirely flat. The color was a pale green, 
and the concentric rings upon the surface would indicate that it 
had been flattened by centrifugal force. The edges appear to 
have been sheared off while still soft." — (/. H. McMinn.) 

Mills for Grinding Grain. — The hominy block and hand 
mills were in general use. The first was made of a large block 
of wood about three feet long with an excavation burned in one 
end, wide at the top and narrow at the bottom, so that the action 
of the pestle on the bottom threw the corn up to the sides to- 
w^ard the top of it, from whence it continually fell down into the 
center. In consequence of this movement the whole mass of the 
grain was pretty equally subjected to the strokes of the pestle. In 
the fall of the year, while the Indian corn was soft, the block 
and pestle did very well for making meal for Johnny-cake and 
mush, but were rather slow when the corn became hard. The 
sweep was sometimes used to lessen the toil of pounding grain 
into meal. This was a pole of some springy, elastic wood, thirty 
feet long or more: the butt end was placed under the side of a 
house or a large stump; this pole was supported by two forks 
placed about one-third of its length from the Initt end, so as to 


elevate the small end about fifteen feet from the ground ; to this 
was attached, by a large mortice, a piece of sapling about five or 
six inches in diameter, and eight or ten feet long. The lower 
end of this was shaped so as to answer for a pestle. A pin of 
wood was put through it, at a proper height, so that two persons 
could work at the sweep at once. 

A machine still more simple than the mortar and pestle w^as 
used for making meal while the corn was too soft to be beaten. 
It was called a grater. This was a half-circular piece of tin, per- 
forated with a punch from the concave side and nailed by its 
edges to a block of wood. The ears of corn were rubbed on the 
rough edge of the holes, while the meal fell through them on 
the board or block to which the grater was nailed, which being in 
a slanting direction discharged the meal into a cloth or bowl 
placed for its reception. This, to be sure, w^as a slow way of 
making meal, but necessity has no law. 

The hand mill was better than the mortar and grater. It 
was made of two circular stones, the low-est of which was called 
the bed stone, the upper one the runner. These were placed in 
a hoop with a spout for discharging the meal. A staff w^as let 
into a hole in the upper surface of the runner near the outer edge, 
and its upper end through a hole in a board fastened to a joist 
above, so that two persons could be employed in turning the 
mill at the same time. The grain was put into the opening in 
the runner by hand. The first water mills were called tub mills. 
It was a circular shaft to the lower end of wdiich an horizontal 
wheel of about four or five feet diameter was attached, the up- 
per end passing through the bed stone and carrying the runner, 
after the manner of a trundlehead. Instead of bolting cloths, 
sitters were in general use. They were made of deer skins in the 
state of parchment, stretched over a hoop and perforated with a 
hot wire. 

The method employed by the natives to bruise a few grains 
of maize consisted of a flattish sort of stone slightly hollowed 
out. upon which another stone was used, and by dint of rubbing 
and pounding, the grains were reduced to a coarse meal. The early 
white settler improved upon this method by cutting a depression 
of some depth into the top of a stump and suspending a stone 
over it from the limb of a tree, which acted as a spring pole, by 
which means the grain was reduced to meal w^ith some degree of 


speed. The descendants of Amariah Sutton distinctly remember 
such a stump that stood near the site of the present barn of R. J. 
C. Walker, on the bank of Lycoming creek, which was the family 
mill a hundred years ago. 

Later on coffee mills were occasionally brought into the 
valley and used for grinding grain, the most notable example 
being the mill used at Antes' Fort during the construction of the 
water-power mill, in 1776. Tradition informs us that this coffee 
mill was kept going day and night, by willing hands relieving the 
wearied ones from time to time, in order to supply meal to the 
garrison. The bran was removed by means of a home-made 
horse hair sieve. After this millstones came to be used; these 
were cut from selected boulders of conglomerate, such as occur 
near Ralston, or at times from the hard red sandstone that is 
found on the Bald Eagle Mountain. These millstones were run 
by crude, cumbersome cog-gearing, operated by an overshot 
water wheel. With the millstones came bolting cloth, and each 
customer had to take his place in turning the bolter to. remove 
the bran before his grist was ready to be taken home. 

Previous to the erection of grist mills, the settlers endured 
serious hardships in obtaining flour for their families. It was 
a general custom for many years to load up a grist of wheat 
in a canoe, take it to Grant's Mill, in Dry Valley, about four 
miles above Northumberland, await their turn for the grain to 
be ground, and afterward pole up the river home, sometimes a 
distance of fifty miles. Later on, when bridle paths were cut 
through the wilderness, grain would be packed on horseback over 
mountains and through dense forests thirty or forty miles and 
return. On these occasions the distillery, which was insepar- 
able from the grist mill, would yield its cheer to the assembled 
inhabitants, and this, with the old-fashioned games, visiting, ex- 
change of news, &c., the time passed pleasantly while the grist 
was being ground. 

Probably the first grist mill erected in the West Branch Val- 
ley was by Ludwig Derr, on the present site of Lewisburg. This 
was about 1770. Grant's Mill, in Dry Valley, may have been 
the oldest. About 1772 or 1773, John Ahvood is said to have 
erected a grist mill near tlie present site of Muncy. In 1773 or 
1774, Andrew Culbertson settled at the mouth of Mosquito Run 
and built a grist mill, which was probably destroyed by the In- 


(lians in 1778. It was rebuilt in 1787, upon the return of the 
settlers after the Big Runaway. The next mill in point of date was 
Antes' Mill, built in 1776, and rebuilt in 1790. The next mill 
was built near the mouth of Lycoming creek, by Robert Martin, 
before 1789. The Millport mill, in Nippenose Valley, w^as built 
in 18 1 6. Muncy Mill was erected by John Alwood in 1772, 
and was a small log structure, one story high, and had but one 
run of stone. On June 17th, 1779, the Indians burned all the 
houses in Mjimcy Township, and Alwood's mill fell a prey to 
the flames, but the gearings being secreted were saved and used 
for the next mill, which was built upon the site of the present 
five-story structure. Previous to the building of Alwood's mill 
the people used querns to grind grain. These consisted of rude- 
ly rounded stones, slightly hollowed, and were carried from place 
to place and were a very crude and laborious way in which to 
make meal. Nearly every family had a block for pounding 
corn into meal or samp, and this was also a very laborious man- 
ner in which to prepare this article of diet, and these rude ma- 
chines were gladly laid aside when John Alwood's water-power 
mill was erected, and people came from far and near to see the 
wonderful invention, bringing upon horseback the grist to be 
ground, while the owner led the horse and kept a lookout for the 
savage foe, who lurked behind the bush ready for murder and 
plunder. In those days the man that built a mill was considered 
of great importance, and he w^as, too. 

Sickness in the Cabin. — In the larger cities the medical 
practitioners compounded their own medicines, and attributed 
mysterious virtues to the few drugs, or formulas, which they 
received from abroad. Beyond the cities there was not suffi- 
cient encouragement for one educated in the healing art to set- 
tle and rely for a living upon the people whose homes were so 
far distant from one another. The housewives learned to rely 
upon their own judgment in the treating of diseases and the care 
of the sick. The frequent calls at the homes of the white set- 
tlers by Indian squaws made it possible for the whites to learn 
many little things in common cases, although the Indians did not 
reveal much of what was known to their people of the virtues of 
l)lants for saving the sick. Sometimes there wxre people pecu- 
liarly qualified to discover the effects of plant preparations, and 
they were called in when the case of sickness got beyond the 


control of the housewife. Such a one was Mrs. Claudius Boat- 
man, who removed with her husband and family near Derr's 
Landing to a place up Pine creek, in 1786. She was a large, 
fleshy woman, weighing more than two hundred pounds, but she 
was the only one at that time on the frontier of the West Branch 
that could be called a physician, and her knowledge was entirely 
the result of her observations and experiments. 

It was a dreadful day in a household when the physician 
was sent for. It indicated that the loving friends so anxiously 
watching by the sufiferer could do no more in the way of heal- 
ing. Often at this time the disease had progressed so far that 
death was assured, the treatment of the physician being heroic, 
and failing because of the lack of strength on the part of the 
patient to endure farther. Cupping and leeching was then uni- 
versal, and mercurial compounds were given until the lips turned 
blue and the gums fell away from the teeth. It w^as the uni- 
versal rule in the spring that the blood must be purified, the 
bowels purged, the kidneys excited and the system emptied of 
bile. Children early learned to hate the remedies given them, 
and only when too weak to resist would come under the pre- 
scribed treatment. 

On the frontier the diseases w^ere different from those to 
which the refined society of the present day are liable. Then the 
people lived out of doors. They had no glass in their windows. 
They did not have the dainties to tempt the appetite that are now 
almost universal. They were extremely active, both in hunting 
and in farming. Fevers were common, and the streams were 
lined with fever-breeding vapors. They drank from springs and 
streams wherever they came to them. They knew nothing of the 
germs of disease, such as microbes, bacteria, bacilla, etc. 

Small-pox w^as prevalent, and at times swept away large 
numbers. In Philadelphia tlie dreaded scourge was yellow fever. 
Surgery was rough and poor, and yet accidents were common. 
There were accidents from falling trees, and contests with wild 
animals, and wounds from conflicts w^th their fellow men. The 
most important service was that of a mid-wife, and even in this 
they often had to do the best they could without any of the 
resources of modern skill. They had no anesthetics. Extract- 
ing a tooth that had ceased to be endurable was a severe and pain- 
ful operation. To allow the body to get out of condition in 


any respect was a misfortune. If they were careless of the de- 
mands of the body they suffered the consequences. Thus, with 
all their seeming exposure, they were not indifferent to observance 
of the laws of nature. 

In every cabin there were stored in the loft bundles of choice 
herbs which the housewife prized for their remedial virtues. 
Some of these were flowering plants from the garden ; some w-ere 
gathered from the swamps; some were eagerly searched for 
among the rocks on the tops of the mountains ; some were brought 
from afar by those who had been to the city and had obtained 
them from incoming vessels, or from some herb doctor famous 
for his successful cures. 

The Pioneer Preacher, — In the hearts of the bold pioneers 
who pushed their way into the forests primeval lingered a 
hereditary inclination toward religious worship. The battling 
for religious liberty by their fathers in Ireland had shaped their 
characters, and all the privations, and labor, and danger, and 
lonesomeness of the frontier life could not eradicate this posi- 
tive inclination to look to God fdr His mercies and blessing. 
On the frontier, individuals acquired reputations for prowess in 
various direction. And honors w-ere given only when, by succes- 
sive trials, they had proved their superiority to their fellows. 
Men were not allowed to possess unchallenged the claim to posi- 
tions of honor. Thus some w^ere considered as great warriors, 
others as skillful guides, or bold scouts, or successful hunters. 
There were mechanics who could build the best houses, and sur- 
veyors and boatmen and merchants who were unsurpassed. 
Some men were skilled in untangling the knots of the land office, 
and some were masters in the political chess board of the times. 
With these there came another class who became honored be- 
cause of their ability in preaching the Gospel. 

As early as 1775, Philip V. Fithian preached at the War- 
rior's Run Church, but the log structure where he called to souls 
to serve the Lord was consumed by the flames started by the 
angry Indians. This building was replaced by one close to 
Fort Freeland, in 1789. It stood on the public highway leading 
to Muncy, in a lovely grove of forest trees near to a spring of 
pure cold water. It was a large building, having three entrances 
on the first floor, and two by which the gallery w^as reached from 
the outside. The central aisle and the space before the pulpit 


was broad enough to accommodate the tables where the com- 
municants sat. The pulpit was very high, and over the place 
where the minister stood was the sounding board. At the foot 
of the pulpit stairs was the clerk's desk. The gallery extended 
around three sides of the room. Here the Rev. John Bryson 
preached for many years, beginning in June, 1791. In 1792 
Isaac Grier, a classmate of John Bryson, was appointed to mis- 
sionate in the West Branch Valley. These men were reputed 
to be profoundly versed in the Greek and Latin languages, and 
their fame became as great as that of the men who desired to ex- 
cel in athletics. As they began to tread the bridle paths of the forest 
to preach the word of God, they gave the message in the plain de- 
cisive Calvinism that once planted in the hearts of the people could 
never be eradicated. These pioneer preachers were strong char- 
acters. They did not shirk their work. System and method 
characterized their preparation. Their sermons were replete 
with scriptural quotations, and they aimed to commit as much 
of the Bible to memory as was possible. They were also gifted 
in prayer, and used burning words in all the eloquence that stirred 
men's souls. As the pioneer preacher went from cabin to cabin 
he accepted the fare placed before him, as did any of the hardy 
settlers, and by this appreciative fellowship won the esteem of 
those whom he sought to serve. 

At the first the meetings would be in the log cabin of the 
one who invited him to accept of his hospitality. The neighbors 
were invited to come in, and they accepted the opportunity to 
meet the stranger and later on the chosen friend. The men 
came with rifles and dogs as if they wert only hunters; the 
women came in their homespun, and wept with joy in hearing 
the words that went straight to their hearts, giving them the 
proclamation of grace and glory. The stately rhythm of Psalm 
tunes, the words lined out by the preacher, arose from every 
tongue and the forests became vocal with reverberations of 

But the log cabins were too small to contain the people, 
and the meetings were held in the woods, under the protecting 
shade of giant oaks of the forest, and the hearts of the worship- 
pers thrilled with enthusiasm as they learned that in this way their 
forefathers in Ireland, Scotland, England and in the Walden- 
sian Mountains had worshipped God. 


Every meeting for worship was a camp-meeting. Because 
of the length of the circuit, the itinerating minister could waste 
no time in the follies of merely social delight. There were 
funeral sermons to be preached, in memory of those who had 
died, and births to be honored by the consecration of the children 
to the Lord, and baptism of those who had changed the tenor 
of their lives, and communion for those in the church. There 
were children to be catechized and instruction to be given. 
There were prayers to be offered that would touch the hearts of 
the people, as also to find acceptance at the throne of grace, and 
sermons to be preached that would teach the people the way of 
life and refute the arguments of the infidel and careless. The 
work of the minister was arduous and solemn, and his priestly 
character touched the hearts of the settlers, and brought to the 
surface the noblest and the best that was within them. The 
preacher, like Paul, worked with his own hands. He, too, was 
a settler, and had trees to cut down, and stumps to take out, and 
lands to till, and more than this, he became school teacher, and 
attracted to his home the young people who desired education 
in the broader sense and reached out to the fields of learning. 
The preacher had the learning in his head and the fire in his 
heart, and in his career duty to God went hand in hand with 
love to his fellow men. Thus all men saw in his life that he 
was a man called of God and set apart by the Holy Spirit to turn 
men from death to life. 

The Antes family were just as religious as their Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterian neighbors. The daily family worship of the 
Mora\'ian system and the Reformed Church had left a mark 
upon every one of them, and from their cabin by the Susque- 
hanna the songs of the church ascended at the beginning and 
close of every day. Henry Antes, the eldest son of Col. Antes, 
was such an intense adherent to the faith of the Reformed 
Church, that when his brother Philip became an ardent Metho- 
dist a breach was caused between them that was not healed for 
manv vears. 



IT MAY be difficult for us to imagine a period so recent in our 
thriving country when there were no railroads nor steam ves- 
sels, nor any of the various tools and implements which 
these modes of transportation have called into existence. Yet 
to understand the life of the men of that early day, when our 
country was still under the rule of England, we must conceive 
of them making their own tools and providing their own helps 
in all the affairs of life. At that time the greater part of their 
traveling with burdens was done in the winter, because of the 
comparative ease with which burdens could be hauled over the 
snow^ and the streams could be crossed on the ice. There were 
no roads, only paths. At first these were only w^de enough for 
the Indian to meander his way through the woods. There was 
no cutting down of trees to make the traveling easier, but going 
around those which stood in the way. Then when horses came 
to be used there was necessarily seeking a wider passage, but this 
was seriously interfered w-ith by the overhanging branches of 
the trees and the great knolls at the roots. The forest was so 
thick and the ground so uneven that the best means of travel was 
seen to be on the streams, when the waters were deep enough to 
transi^ort them. In the woods there was an abundance of ma- 
terial for vessels and the ingenuity of man soon devised a way 
to use the material. The variation in the condition of the streams 
required vessels or boats to meet these changes, for the trickling 
rivulet ran into the rushing river. 

The Indian began his traveling on the water in a sort of skin 
tub, which was a skeleton of flexible poles lashed together with 
roots, withes, bark or any other available material, and covered 
with the hide of some large animal sewed into shape with the 
sinews of a deer. These skin boats had the hair left on the 
outside until it wore off by use. When the boat was taken from 
the water it was turned over and used as a sheltering tent from 


the Storms. The skin was generally smoked and greased in order 
to preserve it as long as possible. This, however, was an Indian 
mode of traveling and was not adopted by the white men. 

The canoe was the usual means of traveling by water, and 
these boats were constructed with an effort to combine art and 
efficiency. Lightness, buoyancy and speed were qualities that 
could not be ignored. These were often 'made of birch bark, 
and often a boat would be the rind of one tree ingeniously sewed 
together with the roots of the tamarack and made water-tight. 
Under the management of one skilled at it the 1x)at was both 
graceful and speedy. Canoes were also made of logs, and were 
then called dug-outs. In making these the Indians usually 
selected a tree near the stream and built a fire at the roots and 
burnt it until it fell. Then by burning it, and by their stone im- 
plements gouging out the charred portions, they reduced it to the 
shape desired, both on the inside and the outside. Some of these 
were made very large so as to carry a great troop of warriors. 
When the white men settled along the streams they used their 
axes and chisels and thus soon made boats to suit their purposes. 
Along the river and the larger streams every settler had his 
boat or boats, and by this means carried on traffic with the other 
members of the settlement. Every one in the family learned to 
manage the canoe. When they went from home and wished to 
maintain secrecy, as was often the case in the times of Indian 
troubles, or to preserve their boats from being stolen, they sunk 
them beneath the stream, and marked the hiding place, until they 
again wished to use their boat. In this way the Indians, in 
their raids, were able to cross rivers and pass up or down their 
waters, having hidden boats at various places w^here they ex- 
pected they might be under the necessity of using them. 

Sometimes, when families w-ere moving, they lashed canoes 
together and loaded them with their household effects, and thus 
passed to their destination. In this manner also the traveling 
peddler or merchant dis^xDsed of his goods. It was quite con- 
venient for Mr. Weitzel to send from his store in Sunbury a 
floating st(Kk of merchandise from landing to landing, and thus 
save the people the necessity of going down to the distant town. 
The canoe was the medium of communication between the set- 
tlers, and thus one of the most prominent of the civilizing agen- 
cies of that early day. 


The batteau was another form of boat, larger than the canoe, 
and used for carrying larger burdens. It carried generally as 
much as two tons weight and required three men to manage it. 
It was made of sawed lumber, and to have them required the 
building of a saw mill. There was such a mill at Fort Augusta. 
It was not at all like the saw mills of our day, but was a pit in 
the ground, over which there was a platform on which the log 
was placed. Two men above and two men below dragged a 
long saw, with a handle in each end, up and down, until it passed 
through the log and produced a piece of timber of the desired 
thickness. When Fort Augusta was built, the Government used 
batteaux to transport the material. To do this there were em- 
ployed forty-eight men, who were called Battoe men. These 
men were enamored with the country through which they passed 
and became settlers along the shores of the river. 

The Susquehanna has always been a shallow stream ex- 
cept in flood time. This made it an easy way for small boats 
like the canoe and safe for those who were not skilled in breast- 
ing the raging torrents. But there were times when the river 
lost this placidity and became a current of raging and foaming 
waters, sweeping away everything that came within its grasp. 
There was an Indian tradition that a great flood occurred every 
fourteen years at regular intervals. In these floods, which are 
not to be classed with the ordinary freshets, the waters rose to 
a height exceeding that of the usual freshets six or seven feet. 
The settlers found this tradition to be verified. The first flood 
that they recorded was in 1744; the second in 1758; the third in 
1772. In 1786 occurred the great pumpkin flood. In the 
Spring of 1800, after a heavy rain of three days and three nights, 
a deep snow was carried off and thus made a great flood. In 
August of 1814 was another flood of the same character. Some- 
times the flood was in the spring; sometimes in the fall, but the 
rule seemed to hold good. This was a time when the settlers 
had to look after their boats and often their buildings, too. In 
these flood times no small or light craft could bear the force of 
the stream and all traffic and traveling was for the time sus- 

Then came the skiff, which was a batteau reduced in size 
to that of a canoe, and adorned with the inventions of men who 
were seeking easier ways of doing things. To-day, with all the 


march of civilization, the usual boat along the Susquehanna is 
the skiff. It was a Connecticut invention, and like the settlers 
from that State came to stay. 

If the men on the frontier could not have saw mills and 
thus build batteaux when they had large loads to move, they 
were not left helpless, for they soon saw a simple and easy way 
to remove their difficulty. They simply cut down trees of the 
size they needed and lashed them together and thus made a 
raft. This could be of any size they wished and would carry 
all they desired. Then when it had served its purpose it could 
be used in building a log house, or a fence, or for firewood. As 
the riches of the forest became better known, and the claims of 
commerce increased, the settlers cut down great trees and 
lashing them together floated them down the river until they 
came to the avenues of manufacture that were established by 
men from the great cities. This was a method of down-the- 
river transportation. Sometimes the current of the river was 
too strong for the men in charge of the raft and it would be 
driven on the rocks and broken apart, causing the loss not only 
of the raft 'but also of everything that was upon it, the rafts- 
man being fortunate to escape with his life. The flat boat was 
used by the settlers where families were conveyed, or farm 
stock. It was such a boat as has held its place in ferries until 
this present day. The flat boat has a reputation on large rivers, 
because it was capable of carrying such great burdens. More- 
over the youthful experience of Abraham Lincoln on a flat- 
boat down the Mississippi has given it a national reputation. 
Then came the Durham boat, and keel boat, which were pushed 
by poles up the river, and sometimes forced up against the cur- 
rent by the use of windlasses fastened to trees along the bank 
of the stream. There were also team boats, and arks. The 
ark was a short raft, or flat-boat, with a stearing horn at one 
end. They were used to carry flour, etc. 

Traveling in the Olden Times, 

The foundations of the roads that were ultimately made 
were the Indian paths over which the red man swiftly trotted, 
or led his pony, not minding the trees or the rocks which the 
white man could not so easily surmount. When the white man 



began to use these paths, he had to freely use the axe and the 
grubbing hoe, and widen and level for the huge wagons that 
were necessary in conveying his goods. The entire household 
possessions of the Indian could be put in a small load for man, 
w^oman or beast to carry, but not so with the white man. His 
manner of living required the accumulation of many things to 
make life comfortable, hence one of the first considerations was 
the nature of the roads, and as prosperity advanced the roads 
improved until they have reached the breadth, solidity and 
smoothness such as we see at this day, reaching the climax in 
the avenues of our large cities. 

In the account of Zinzendorf s journey to Wyoming, in 
1742, we have a picture of some of the difficulties of early trav- 
eling: **We traveled on and soon struck the lovely Susque- 
hanna. Riding along its bank we came to the boundary of 
Shamokin, a precipitous hill, such as I scarce ever saw. I was 
reminded by it of Wenzel Neisser's experience in Italy. Anna 
Nitschman, who is the most courageous of our number, and 
a heroine, led in the descent. I took the train of her riding 
habit in my hand to steady me in the saddle. Conrad held to 
the skirt of my overcoat, and Bohler to Conrad's. In this way 
we mutually supported each other, and the Saviour assisted us 
in descending the hill in safety." 

Near Montoursville, the place is described as follows: 
" The Sachem pointed out the ford over the Susquehanna. 
The river here is much broader than the Delaware, the water 
beautifully transparent, and were it not for smooth rocks in its 
bed it would be easily fordable. In crossing we had, therefore, 
to pull up our horses, and keep a tight rein. The high banks 
of American rivers render their passage on horseback extremely 
difficult. To the left of the path, after crossing the river, a 
large cave in a rocky hill in the widerness was shown us. 
From it, the surrounding country and the west branch of the 
Susquehanna are called Otzinachson, i. e., the '* Demon's 
Den.'' for here the evil spirits, say the Indians, have their seats 
and hold their revels. 

'' The country through which we were now riding, al- 
though a wilderness, showed indications of extreme fertility. 
As soon as we left the path we trod on swampy ground, over 
which traveling on horseback was altogether impracticable. 


We halted half an hour while Conrad rode along the river bank 
in search of a ford. The foliage of the forest at this season of 
the year, blending all conceivable shades of green, red and yel- 
low, was truly gorgeous, and lent a richness to the landscape 
that would have charmed an artist. At times we wound 
through a continuous growth of diminutive oaks reaching 
no higher than our horses' girths, in a perfect sea of scarlet, 
purple and gold, bounded along the horizon by the gigantic 
evergreens of the forest. During the journey thus far I have 
not seen any snakes, although the banks of the Susquehanna 
are said to be the resort of a species which lie on the tops of 
of the low bushes in wait to spring upon the passing traveler. 
The country generally abounded in reptiles, bears, and other 
wild animals. Leaving Otstonwakin, our way lay through the 
forest, over rocks and frightful mountains, and across streams 
swollen by the recent heavy rains. This was a fatiguing and 
dangerous journey, and on several occasions we imperiled our 
lives in fording the creeks which ran with impetuous current." 

Mack says : "I once rode out with the Disciple (Zinzen- 
dorf) and Anna. There was a creek in our way in a swampy 
piece of ground. Anna and myself led in crossing, and with 
difficulty succeeded in ascending the farther bank, which was 
steep and muddy. But the Disciple was less fortunate, for 
on attempting to land, his horse plunged, broke the girth and 
his rider rolled oflf backwards into the water, and the saddle 
upon him. It required much effort on my part to extricate 
him, and when I at last had succeeded, he kissed me and said, 
'■My poorbrother! I am an endless source of trouble.' Being 
without change, we were necessitated to dry our clothes at the 
fire and then brush off the mud. Adventures of this kind befell 
us more than once." 

In Biographical Annals of the West Branch is this account 
of a road up the Loyalsock : " There seems to have been no 
wai2fon road through this or perhaps any other part of Sullivan 
county at this time, at least no public road. Joseph J. Wallis, 
who was then the Deputy Surveyor of the first district, had 
several years before, in 1784, cut out and opened a pack-horse 
road, to supply himself and men w^ith provisions whilst engaged 
with his oflRcial duties, which path had been somewhat im- 
proved by the settlers, but was still by no means a road. It was, 


however, the only means of thoroughfare or medium of ex- 
change for the new settlement, and horses and oxen driven 
tandem were the motive power. To meet the emergency, Mr. 
Eldred procured three oxen, and belling the leader, learned the 
others to follow him. With this team he made several trips 
to and from Muncy, encamping in the w^oods when night over- 
took him, and releasing the oxen of their burthen; the green 
leaves and shrubbery around generally supplied them with suffi- 
cient provender before lying down to rest. The scream of the 
panther and the howl of wolves was often a horrid serenade 
around him, but the camp fire and bell of the ox deterred those 
animals from a closer interview, and his dreams were never dis- 
turbed by either." 

The necessity of a wagon road, however, soon obliged the 
owners of the unimproved land, as well as the settlers, to have 
one constructed, and in 1802-3 those thus interested, by sub- 
scriptions of money and work, opened up for travel a private 
thoroughfare from Muncy to Towanda, which was soon 
thronged w4th travel. It w^as for several years the main route 
for emigrants to western New York from southern Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland, particularly to the Genesee country, 
which gave it the name of the **Genesee Road.'' Mr. Eldred, who 
had erected a log house near it, was soon overrun with appli- 
cations for lodging, meals and provender for beasts. It was 
not unfrequent that from twenty to thirty wagons, with mov- 
ing families, encamped around him, and eagerly bought such 
supplies as he had. What could be done to provide accommo- 
dations? No bricks were to be had in thirty miles, and no 
lime for stone work in like distance. Timber was plenty, but 
there were no saw mills to manufacture it into lumber. The 
only resource seemed to be a log house, and how to build such 
an one large enough for the apparent need was the problem. 
The plan of constructing four houses of hewed logs, corner- 
ing together and forming the fifth, occurred to him and was 
adopted. The ground figure of this building was exactly 
that of a fox and geese board, and whilst on one side of each 
house the labor and expense of providing the logs were saved, 
the union forming a fifth resulted as a consequence. The di- 
mensions of each of these four buildings were about eighteen 
by twenty-four feet and two stories in height, the middle one 


eighteen by eighteen and three stories, with a lookout on 
top. The spring and summer of 1803 were spent in the erec- 
tion of this castle. Liberty Hall, as it was called, was no doubt 
properly conducted, but some of the frontier public places were 
vile places. 

In 1 810, DeWitt Clinton, w^ith a party, traveled through 
New York State to investigate a canal route, and thus describes 
his experience at a typical backwoods tavern : *'\Ve found the 
house, which is kept by one Magie, crowded with noisy, 
drunken people, and the landlord, wife and son were in the 
same situation. The house being small and dirty, we took 
refuge in a room in which w^ere two beds and a weaver's loom, 
a beaufet and dressers for tea utensils, and furniture, and there 
we had a very uncomfortable collation. Col. Porter erected 
his tent and made his fire on the hill, where he was comfortably 
accommodated with the young gentlemen. I reconnoitered 
up-stairs : but in passing to the bed, I saw several dirty villain- 
ous looking fellows in their bunks and all placed in the same 
garret. I retreated from the disgusting scene, and left Gen. 
North, Mr. DeWitt and Mr. Geddes in the undisputed posses- 
sion of the attic beds. The Commodore and I took posses- 
sion of the beds below', but previous to this we were assured 
by an apparently decent girl that they were free from vermin, 
and that the beds above were well stored with them. Satis- 
fied with these assurances, we prepared ourselves for a com- 
fortable sleep after a fatiguing day. But no sooner were we 
lodged than our noses were assailed by a thousand villainous 
smells, meeting our olfactory nerves in all directions, the most 
l)otent exhalation arising from boiled pork, which was left 
close to our heads. Our ears were invaded by a commingled 
noise of drunken people in an adjacent room, of crickets in the 
hearth, of rats in the walls, of dogs under the beds, by the 
whizzing of mosquitoes about our heads, and the flying of bats 
about the room. The women in the house were continually 
pushing open the door, and pacing the room for plates, and 
knives, and spoons; and the dogs would avail themselves of 
such opportunities to come in under our beds. Under these 
circumstances sleep was impracticable: and, after the family had 
retired to rest, we heard our companions above rolling about 
restless in their beds. This we set down to the credit of the 


bugs, and we hugged ourselves on our superior comforts. We 
were, however, soon driven up by the annoyance of vermin. 
On Hghting a candle and examining the beds, we found that we 
had been assailed by an army of bed bugs, aided by a body of 
light infantry in the shape of fleas and a regiment of mosquito 
cavalry. I retreated from the disgusting scene and imme- 
diately dressed myself and took refuge in a segar. Leaving 
the Commodore to his meditations, I went out on the Point. 
The moon was in its full orb and blaze of unclouded majesty. 
Here my feelings w^ere not only relieved, but my mind was ele- 
vated by the scenery before me. The ground on which I 
stood w^as elevated ; below me flowed the Oneida river, and on 
my left the Seneca poured its waters, and uniting together they 
formed a majestic stream. Flocks of white geese w^re sporting 
on the water — a number of boats lying moored to the banks, a 
white tent erected on the right, enlivened by a blazing fire, an 
Indian hut on the opposite bank, displaying the red man of the 
forest and his family preparing for the sports of the day — the 
bellowing of thousands of frogs in the water, and the roaring 
of bloodhounds in pursuit of deer and foxes, added to the singu- 
larity of the scene. My mind became tranquilized, and I 
availed myself of a vacant mattress in the tent and enjoyed a 
comfortable sleep of two hours.'' 

We can see the evolution of roads from the account of the 
Lancaster turnpike by Futhey, who says: "The first turnpike 
in America w^as built through Chester county. The Philadel- 
phia and Lancaster Turnpike Road Company was chartered 
April 9. 1792. The road was immediately commenced and was 
completed in 1794, at a cost of $465,000, or about $7,516 per 
mile. It was formed of three highways between the terminal 
points, the King's Highway of Lancaster county being ex- 
tended thirty-two miles to join the two lower sections which 
were previously laid out. It was opened to travel in 1795, and 
at once became a leading thoroughfare between Philadelphia 
and the West. The travel and transportation of merchandise 
upon it for many years was enormous. It was lined with pub- 
lic houses, averaging in some parts of its course, in Chester 
county, one for every mile. At night the yards of these taverns 
would be filled with teams, the horses standing on each side of 
the tongue, on which a trough was placed. The teamsters car- 


ried their beds with them, and at night spread them oh the bar- 
room floors or in rooms appropriated for that purpose. Some 
of these pubUc houses were known as stage-taverns, and others 
as wagon-taverns, the stage-taverns being somewhat more pre- 
tentious than the others. It may be observed of these public 
houses that they were as a rule remarkably well kept, and had 
a good class of landlords, generally the owners." 

Contrast this with the first road in the wilderness. When 
the New Purchase was consummated, and the people flocking 
into the new lands were struggling for an existence, the need 
of a road was manifested by a petition presented to the Court 
in 1772 to have a road located. In the August session' of the 
Northumberland County Court, the road was authorized, and 
John Henry Antes and others were appointed to view, and if 
they saw cause, to lay out a bridle path or trail to the mouth of 
Bald Eagle creek. They marked out this road thirty-three 
feet in width. They did not imagine that in a few years it 
would be a trail of blood. This road followed somewhat the 
path that Zinzendorf had traveled. 

The settlers coming into the new country brought with 
them such wagons as they had, and adapted to carrying their 
goods and serving as shelters for their families. We may form 
an idea of what these wagons w^ere like from the description of 
those ordered by the Government to be furnished by the coun- 
ties for an expedition to Pittsburg in 1758-9. The specifica- 
tions were as follow^s: 

''Ea<?h wagon to be fitted in the following manner, viz: 
With four good strong horses, properly harnessed ; the w^agon 
to be complete in everything, large and strong, having a drag 
chain eleven feet in length, with a hook at each end ; a knife for 
cutting grass, falling axe and shovel, two setts of clouts, and 
five setts of nails, an iron hoop to the ei:id of every axle-tree, a 
linen mangoe, a two-gallon keg of tar and oil mixed together, a 
slip bell, hopples, two setts of shoes and four setts of shoe nails 
for each horse ; eight setts of spare hames and five setts of hame- 
st rings, a bag to receive their provisions, a spare sett of linch 
l)ins, and a hand-screw for every three wagons. The drivers 
to be able-bodied men, capable of loading and unloading, and 
assisting one another in case of accident.'' 

De Witt Clinton tells us of the wagons used between Gen- 


eva and Albany using five horses, and carrying forty or fifty 
hundred weight. The rims of the wagons were six inches 
broad, and one that he saw had rims nine inches broad and used 
six horses. 

But in the new country the river was the great highway. The 
settlers soon learned to be expert in the management of various 
kinds of craft, and found a keen delight in the motion on the 

The Indians were expert watermen, and the white men could 
be no less. The Indian had his canoe made of birch bark, or a 
single tree hollowed out by means of fire and stone axe. The 
w-hite man, with his superior implements, in a short time could 
make boats and canoes of patterns to suit his convenience, and of 
sizes that met his needs. The family uses required only small 
boats, but traffic needed large ones. The advantage of being a 
master of transportation was apparent to John Henry Antes, and, 
with his sons, he soon became one of the most expert of the river 
merchants. At this time there was comparatively free naviga- 
tion as far down the river as Middletown, at the mouth of the 
Swatara. Below this there were rapids and great masses of rocks 
in the stream that threatened destruction to navigation. Hence 
the trade between Philadelphia and the West Branch was by way 
of the Highway to Lancaster, and thence to river at Middletown. 

In 1762, David Rittenhouse and Dr. William Smith surveyed 
and leveled a route for a canal to connect the waters of the Sus- 
quehanna and the Schuylkill rivers by means of the Swatara and 
Tolpehocken creeks. This was a part of an immense pltin to con- 
nect Lake Erie, the Ohio and the Delaware. It would have made 
a continuous waterway of 582 miles. The various wars that 
burst on the country prevented their plan from being carried out. 
In 1 791, however, a company was formed to accomplish it, but 
the financial distresses of the country caused its failure. 

In 1796, a German miller named Krieder built an ark at 
Huntingdon, on the Juniata, which he freighted with flour, and 
determined to test the rapids below the mouth of the Swatara. 
He was successful and safely landed his cargo in the city of Balti- 
more. This caused a revolution in the carrying business and 
threatened to divert the entire trade of the interior from Philadel- 
phia to Baltimore. 

Ovvego, in New York State, became the head of the river 


trade on the North Branch, and from it arks carrying as many as 
250 barrels of flour, or salt, carried their loads to Baltimore in ten 
or twelve days. The ark cost $75 at Owego, and was sold for 
about half that at Baltimore. It was impossible for trade to come 
up the river on account of the rapids, but the lumber was profit- 
able at the lower end of the line. Great rafts were made of logs 
and floated dow^n the stream until there w^as a class of men who 
were noted as raftsmen. It required the establishment of stop- 
ping places along the river, hence there came into existence a class 
of taverns in which all the violence and immorality of the roughest 
classes from the frontier found vent, aided by the drinking of 
immoderate quantities of the vilest whisky that could be manu- 

Above the rapids there was the transportation of goods up 
the river by poling. This was a slow way and laborious, but a 
batteau carried safely the large load that was committed to it. 
In this way families found their way into the wilderness more 
securely and with less damage than by treading the rough roads 
along the shore. When the boat stuck fast on a sand bar, or a 
shoal, the men and women, both, would get into the water and 
push the boat into deeper water again. 

The river shore at Sunbury was an interesting place for ob- 
servation in those days, for they could see all the craft and learn 
all the news from the North Branch and from the West Branch, 
and the streams flow-ing into them. What the canals and rail- 
roads are to our day, the river was to the [people of that day. The 
most wonderful flotilla, however, that was ever seen on the Sus- 
quehanna, was that which appeared at Sunbury at the time of the 
Big Runaway, with Colonel Antes bringing up the rear. 



IN THE month of July, 1718, William Penn, the founder of the 
government, which he said was to be a free colony for all 

mankind, ended his earthly career, and left to his three sons, 
John, Thomas and Richard, the task of completing his designs. 
His estates were vast and valuable, but were encumbered with 
debts. Pennsylvania was governed by them, or by their deputies, 
until the year 1779, when the entire claims of the Penn family to 
the soil and jurisdiction of Pennsylvania were purchased by the 
State Legislature for a hundred and thirty thousand pounds ster- 
ling. Ridpath, the historian, says : "It is doubtful whether the 
history of any other colony in the world is touched with so many 
traits of innocence and truth." At the time of the beginning of 
the series of troubles to which we need to give our attention, 
James Hamilton was the Deputy Governor. He received his ap- 
pointment in 1748. The next year an alarming crisis developed. 
The peaceful relations with the Indians, which had been inaugu- 
rated by William Penn, were broken by the series of wrongs per- 
petrated upon them from time to time.^ The fruits of these wrong 
doings were now about to reveal themselves. Along the borders 
of the great lakes the French improved every opportunity to win 
the Indians and separate them from the English. They soon won 
over the Shawanese, and the Delawares were nursing their in- 
jured feelings and only waiting for a favorable opportunity to 
unite with them. At the Indian confederacy in the region be- 
tween the lakes and the rivers, the Onondagas, Cayugas and 
Senecas were wavering. The French were aggressive, and were 
building a line of forts on the strong points from the lakes down 
the Ohio. 

It was found to be necessary to make many presents to the 
Indians and show a constant interest in them, and at the same 
time to construct forts along the frontier, and to maintain a mili- 
tary force to man these forts and to protect the ground between 


them. All this required a heavy expenditure of money, and rais- 
ing this caused the complications that finally changed the entire 
form of government. It is an interesting review to see how, un- 
der varied conditions, the same spirit of independence and equality 
operated in the development of the social and political life of the 
people. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was the leader in the Assembly, 
and was rising to a position of great power by his uncommon 
shrewdness and mental force. He was one of the people, and rep- 
resented the needs and thoughts of the people. His identity with 
them can be seen in the nature of the books he produced, such as 
"Poor Richard's Almanac," &c. He has been called the many 
sided Franklin. This is true of him, because he was capable of 
representing every class of people and to be in sympathy with the 
poor man in his hut, the frontiersman in his cabin, and the courtly 
lords and ladies in the salons of the European Capitals. 

In Pennsylvania there were the aristocratic Englishmen of 
the Governor's Court, and the Quakers, who were strongly averse 
to such fantastic displays as the social elegance of the authorities 
called for. There were also the sturdy Germans rapidly settling 
in the best farm lands and resenting the sneers of the more stylish 
English-speaking classes. The Quakers, and Dunkards, and 
Mennonites, and Schwenkfelders, with pacific principles, had little 
sympathy with the methods of the authorities and prudently kept 
themselves aloof from public aflfairs and attended to the develop- 
ment of their farms and shops. 

To meet the expenses incurred the people were taxed, and 
herein lay the foundation for strife. The Proprietaries were will- 
ing that the common people should be taxed, but wished to evade 
it themselves. Through their Deputies they refused and pleaded 
prerogative, charter and law ; the Assembly pleaded in turn equity, 
common danger and common benefit requiring a common expense. 
The Proprietaries oflfered bounties in lands which were still in the 
possession of the Indians, and the privilege of issuing more paper 
money. This did not satisfy the people ; they wanted something 
more tangible. The Assembly passed laws laying taxes and grant- 
ing supplies, but annexed conditions which the Governor opposed. 
While these disputes were being indulged the danger on the fron- 
tier was increasing and the people were helpless. 

Concerning the contest between the Assembly and the Gov- 


ernor, and the defences of the Province, Charles J. Stille writes 
as follows in the 1896 vol. of '*The Pennsylvania Magazine :" 

**These volumes (The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania) em- 
body the result of the investigations of a Commission appointed 
by the Governor * * providing for ascertaining the sites of 
the Provincial forts. * * * They are valuable not only be- 
cause they tell us why the Provincial map of the State along the 
Blue Mountains and on the frontier farther westward is dotted 
with fortified posts to secure easy eligible position, and because 
they tell us what service these posts rendered, but also because 
they refute the commonly received opinion that the Quakers, who 
were supposed to have held a majority in the Assembly prior to 
the Revolution, refused to erect forts or raise troops for the de- 
fence of the inhabitants of the frontier against the hostile French 
and Indians. * * ♦ * j^ would appear from these volumes 
that, so far from the Province having been defenceless during 
the French and Indian wars, that there were erected during the 
campaigns of 1755-58, and that of 1763 (Pontiac's war), no less 
than two hundred and seven forts, large and small, on the fron- 
tier, by the order and at the expense of the Assembly of the Prov- 
ince, and that these were garrisoned by troops in its pay." 

This statement is so greatly at variance with that made in a 
petition presented in 1756 to the English Board of Trade, and 
signed by some of the most respectable inhabitants of Philadel- 
phia, which asserts that the colony was then in a naked and de- 
fenceless state, and that it had not armed a single man, nor at the 
public expense provided a single fortification, that it calls for a 
careful scrutiny. ♦ ♦ * * Jt will be observed on examining 
these maps (made by the Commission), that this chain of forts 
formed two distinct barriers to an enemy coming from the west, 
the outer one guarding what was the frontier against the French, 
in 1763, along the east bank of the Ohio (Allegheny) river from 
Kittanning to the southwestern corner of the State, and the other 
extending along the Kittatinny Hills, or Blue Mountains, from 
Easton to the Susquehanna, at Harrisburg. The latter, or in- 
terior, line was specially intended to guard against Indian raids. 
Between the outer or western line and that on the Blue Moun- 
tains was another chain of forts, of which the princi])al were 
Lowther, at Carlisle, Morris and Franklin, at Shippensburg, Gran- 
ville, at Lewistown, Shirlev and Littleton, at Bedford, and Lou- 


doun, in -Franklin county. The frontier was thus guarded by 
these three Hnes in Pontiac's war in 1763, and, although the posts 
were in reasonable proximity to each other, it was found impossi- 
ble, notwithstanding the efforts of their garrisons, to prevent 
many murders by the Indians of the inhabitants scattered around 
them. Other colonies beside Pennsylvania were unfortunately in 
the same condition. Virginia lost more by Indian murders than 
ourselves, and, with all their efforts, the inhabitants on the New 
England frontier suffered greatly, as is well known, from scalping 

The Indian war broke out shortly after Braddock's defeat, 
in July, 1755, ^^d the first murderous raids of the savages occur- 
red at various times from October, 1755, and during the year 
1756. The settlements along the Blue Mountains wxre, as we 
have said, very much scattered, and the miserable inhabitants fell 
victims to the merciless savages, even when forts, intended for 
their protection, w^ere not far distant from their habitations. The 
hope of their serving as places of refuge to those who were ex- 
posed had been one of the chief reasons for their establishment. 
The forts in this respect do not seem to have answered the ex- 
pectations of those who erected them. It must not be forgotten 
that the incursions of the Indians, which were on the most exten- 
sive scale, and the most successful, were made at points not far 
distant from some of the principal forts, the invaders not being 
deterred«by the defence they presented. Thus, the attack upon 
the Harris party was made at a point not far from Fort Hunter; 
that upon Gnaddenhutten, near Fort Allen and Fort Norris ; and 
that upon Tulpehocken, at a point near Fort North-kill. At this 
time the Province had two regiments amounting to eleven hun- 
dred men in commission, the one commanded by Dr. Franklin, on 
the northeastern frontier, and the other by Conrad Weiser, be- 
sides a large number of men composing the garrisons of the dif- 
ferent posts. The cost of these fortifications on the frontier was 
said to have been more than eighty thousand pounds, and the 
equipment and subsistence of the men necessarily a large sum. 
One reason, perhaps, of the ill success of the Provincial troops in 
protecting the inhabitants was the want of a proper discipline and 
training of the soldiers. It was the opinion of those who had 
had the longest experience in Indian warfare that the troops 
should not have been cooped up in garrisons, but should have been 


employed as rangers, and kept actively engaged in patrolling the 
exposed districts. The forts formed a barrier, however, which 
neither the French nor the Indians ever could pass so as to retain 
a permanent footing to the eastward. They seemed to have 
failed in accomplishing the end for which they were built, owing 
to the peculiar mode of warfare adopted by the Indians. 

The story of the employment of the Provincial troops and 
the methods which were adopted to secure money for their pay 
and subsistence forms one of the most interesting chapters in our 
Provincial history, and one which embodies, perhaps, more fully 
than any other the nature and outcome of the perpetual dispute 
between the Proprietary and the Assembly of the province as to 
their respective rights and powers in the government of the prov- 
ince. The unexpected result of Braddock's expedition had driven 
the inhabitants of the province — not merely those on the frontier 
(at that time hardly more than a hundred miles from the chief 
city), but also throughout the whole province — into a panic, which 
demanded efficient and immediate armed protection. A contro- 
versy had long existed between the Governor (Morris) and the 
Assembly on fundamental questions in regard to their respective 
powers, which it became necessary to settle without delay, in order 
to ascertain to which of the two departments of government — the 
executive or the legislative — the power of raising and equipping 
an army and of providing money for their pay and subsistence 
belonged. Of course, all parties agreed that something siiould be 
done to protect the inhabitants on the frontier, made defenceless 
by the defeat of Braddock, and the only question between the Gov- 
ernor, supported by the Proprietary party, and those who opposed 
the measures proposed by him to prevent further incursions of the 
Indians was, that the Governor proposed that the troops should 
form a provincial militia, over which the provincial authorities, 
that is, the Governor and his friends, should have complete con- 
trol, especially in the appointment of all the officers, and that the 
money for their pay and equipment should be raised by a tax, 
from the payment of which the Proprietary estates should be ex- 
empted; while their opponents contended that the military force 
should be composed of volunteers, and that the tax imposed to 
raise money to support them should be levied upon all the estates 
in the province, those of the Proprietaries not excepted. 

The defeat of Braddock occurred on the loth of July, 1755. 


On the arrival of the news at Philadelphia, the Governor, on 
July 26th, convened the Assembly. On the second day of the 
session the Assembly granted an aid to the Crown of fifty thou- 
sand pounds, to be repaid by a tax upon all the estates in the 
Province, including those of the Proprietaries. The Governor 
insisted the latter should be exempt, but the Assembly \^ias obsti- 
nate, resting upon its rights under the charter, and insisting 
that it taxed the Proprietaries estates as private and not as offi- 
cial property. These discussions caused great delay. Various 
schemes were proposed to induce the Governor to agree to the 
action of the Assembly, when, on November 22, 1755, the Pro- 
prietaries in England having sent word that if the Assembly 
would refrain from taxing their estates they would make the 
Province a present of five thousand pounds, the bill granting 
fifty thousand pounds for the use of the Crown and exempting 
the Proprietary estates from taxation was at last passed. It 
would appear, therefore, that the Assembly was perfectly will- 
ing to vote a general tax for this purpose, but that the Proprie- 
taries — by far the largest private landholders in the Province — 
had instructed their Governor not to agree to any laws, no mat- 
ter how essential to the safety of the Province they might be, 
by which the returns from their lands might be lessened. 

At the same time was passed, ** An act for the bet- 
ter ordering and regulating such as are willing and desirous of 
being united for military purposes." This act was also very 
distasteful to the Governor, who desired that a cumpulsory mi- 
litia bill should be enacted, giving him the sole power of the ap- 
pointment of the officers and of the disbursement of the money 
provided for military purposes. However, the Assembly per- 
sisted, and the Governor was obliged to depend upon such a 
military force as the Assembly could be induced to give him. 
We are told in the petition, to which we have referred, of certain 
members of the Proprietary party in Pennsylvania, which was 
argued before the Lords of Trade on the 26th of February, 
1756, that notwithstanding these acts adopted by the Assembly, 
''that Pennsylvania is the only one of the Colonies which has not 
armed a single man, nor at the public expense provided a single 
fortification to shelter the unhappy inhabitants from the contin- 
ual inroads of a merciless enemy." This statement is the basis 
of the old calumny against the Assembly. And yet, on the 3d 


of February, 1756, Governor Morris, the deputy and agent of 
the Penns during the whole course of this dispute, sent a mes- 
sage to the Assembly, in which he says, **that everything possi- 
ble (of course, by virtue of these acts) had been done for the se- 
curity of the Province, that a chain of forts and block-houses 
extending from the River Delaware along the Kittatinny Hills 
to the Maryland line was then almost complete, that they were 
placed at the most important passes, at convenient distances, 
and w^ere all garrisoned with detachments in the pay of the 
Province, and he believed, in case the officers and men posted 
in them did their duty, they would prove a protection against 
such parties as had hitherto appeared on their borders." 

And yet the Board of Trade had the hardihood to declare 
that the measures taken by the Assembly for the defence of the 
Province were improper, inadequate, and ineffectual ! It may 
be that the persons who signed this petition, when they affixed 
their names to it, sincerely believed that the state of the Prov- 
ince was so deplorable that it justified the request made in the 
petition that the Quakers should be disqualified from sitting 
any longer as members of the Assembly, because they would 
not vote for warlike measures, but on the 26th of February, 
1756, when the Penns, their agents and lawyers in London, 
miist have known that the allegations in the petition had been 
proved false by the event, it is hard to understand what defence 
can be made for imposing such absurd falsehoods on the Board 
of Trade. 

The Board, misled by such statements, was forced to con- 
clude ''that there was no cause to hope for other measures while 
the majority of the Assembly consisted of persons whose avow- 
ed principles were against military service.'* This allegation, 
equally unfounded with that concerning the inadequacy of' the 
measures adopted by the Assembly for the defence of the Prov- 
ince, leads to the inquiry how far the Quakers were concerned 
in the legislation of the period. 

While many Quakers have, as is well known, conscientious 
scruples against bearing arms for any purpose, yet it is equally 
well known that on many occasions in the history of the Prov- 
ince they voted, while members of the Assembly, large sums 
for the "King's'' use — that is, for purposes more or less of a 
military character. At this particular crisis they voted for the 


'^Supply Bill/' granting fifty-five thousand pounds, to supply 
General Braddock's forces, and the same sum to be expended 
in provisions for the New York and New England forces under 
General Shirley, at Crown Point. 

Although the Quakers did not hesitate to proclaim their 
well known principles in regard to war at this time, and 
although they had a very deep conviction of the wrong done to 
the Delawares and Shawanese by the Proprietary government, 
they were not able to induce the Assembly to adopt their views, 
that body having indefinitely postponed a proposition to delay, 
at least, a war against these tribes. It is not to be forgotten, 
too, that it was owing to the kindly intervention and conciliation 
of these people that peace with the Indians was at last secured. 
But the conduct of the Quakers, for another reason, deserves 
credit rather than reproach from those who urged that the In- 
dians should be crushed by force of arms. A number of them 
voluntarily quitted their seats in the Assembly of 1756. The 
most scrupulous among them did not desire to be concerned in 
the war declared by the Governor against the Delawares and 
the Shawanese, but they were not disposed to obstruct military 
measures in time of war. Hence a number of them voluntarily 
gave up their seats in 1756; others requested their friends not 
to vote for them at the ensuing election, nor did any Quaker 
stand as a candidate, or request any one to vote for him at that 
election. Four Quakers were, nevertheless, chosen, but they 
refused to serve. The result was, that in a House composed of 
thirty-six members, there were but twelve Quakers, and they 
held the opinion that the government should be supported in 
the defence of the country; so that the Quaker majority in the 
Assembly was then lost, and, it may be added, was never re- 
g^ained. Such is the true story of the line of defence along the 
Blue Mountains which our fathers established for the protec- 
tion of those w^ho dwelt on the frontiers. * * * * \Ye 
trust that we have shown that our fathers did not allow their 
fellow subjects on the frontier to perish by Indian raids for want 
of such aid as their money could give them, and that the Quak- 
ers, especially, are chargeable with no such cold-blooded 

Party politics in Pennsylvania in 1764. From Life of 
Benjamin Franklin. At the regular session of the Assembly, in 



1764, Governor Penn refused his assent to two bills most essential 
to the peace of the Province. One of which was an act for rais- 
ing £50,000 to defray the expense of the coming campaign against 
the Indians. In accordance with the decision of the King in 
council, this act laid an equal tax on the located lands of the 
Province, making no distinction whatever between the estate of 
the Penns and the lands of the resident owners. The Governor 
refused to sign this bill unless a distinction was made in favor of 
the Penn estate, rating its best uncultivated lands at the rate paid 
by other owners for their worst. Indignation and despair filled 
the hearts of the liberal majority of the Assembly. The struggle 
of a generation was still to be renewed. And, when in the very 
proprietary council, composed of staunch friends of the family 
and chosen for their attachment to it, it was observed that the old 
men withdrew themselves, finding their opinion slighted, and that 
all measures were taken by the advice of two or three young men. 
* * * * They, therefore, after a thorough debate and 
making no less than twenty-five unanimous resolves, expressing 
the many grievances this Province had long labored under 
through the Proprietary government, came to the following reso- 
lution, viz. : Resolved, nemine contradiccntc, that this house will 
adjourn in order to consult their constituents whether an humble 
address should be drawn up and submitted to his Majesty, pray- 
ing that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this 
Province under his immediate protection and government by com- 
pleting the agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietary 
for the sale of the Government to the crowii, or otherwise, as to 
his wisdom and goodness shall seem meet. 

This adjournment occurred on the 20th of March. Meet- 
ings were held in many of the townships, and there was a great 
signing of petitions in all parts of tlie Province. When the legis- 
lature reassembled, on the 14th of May, three thousand names 
were found appended to the various petitions for a change of gov- 
ernment, and not three hundred to those of a contrary tenor. 

There coukl be no mistaking the desire of the people. After 
a long and warm debate the resolution to petition the King to con- 
vert Pennsylvania into a royal Province was carried by a large 
majority. The document set forth : That the Proprietary gov- 
ernment is Weak, unable to support its own authority and main- 
tain the common internal peace of the Province ; great riots have 


lately arisen therein, armed mobs marching from place to place 
(Paxton Rangers) and committing violent outrages and insults 
on the government with impunity, to the great terror of your 
Majesty's subjects. And these evils are not likely to receive any 
remedy here, the continual disputes between the Proprietaries and 
the people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing. 
We do, therefore, most humbly pray that your Majesty would be 
graciously pleased to resume the government of this Province, 
making such compensation to the Proprietaries for the same as to 
your Majesty's wisdom and goodness shall appear just and equit- 

The Assembly adjourned early in the summer, not to re- 
assemble until after the fall elections. Now came the tug of war. 
All parties seemed to feel that the issues of the next election would 
either terminate the Proprietary government or give it a new 
lease of power. Mr. John Dickinson was opposed to a change of 
government, and published soon after the adjournment the speech 
he had delivered in the Assembly against the petition to the King. 
Joseph Galloway published a speech in support of the petition, 
w^hich Dr. Franklin prefaced with a withering review of the policy 
of the Proprietaries. 

In the election the Old ticket was headed by Franklin and 
Galloway. Mr. Pettit, of Philadelphia, an Old ticket man, writes 
to his friend, Joseph Reed, who is in London, as follows : Our 
late election, which was really a hard fought one, was managed 
with more decency and good manners than would have been ex- 
pected from such irritated partisans as appeared as the champions 
on each side. The Dutch Calvinists and the Presbyterians of both 
houses,! believe, to a man assisted the New ticket. The Church 
were divided, and so were the Dutch Lutherans; the Moravians 
and most of the Quakers were the grand supporters of the Old ; 
the McClenaghanites were divided, though chiefly of the Old side. 
The poll was opened about nine in the morning the first of Octo- 
ber, and the steps so crowded till between eleven and twelve at 
night that at no time a person could get up in less than a quarter 
of an hour from his entrance at the bottom, for they could go no 
faster than the whole column moved. About three in the morn- 
ing the advocates for the new ticket moved for a close, but (O! 
fatal mistake!) the Old hands kept it open, as they had a reserve 
of the aged and lame which could not come in the crowd, and were 


called up and brought out in chairs and litters, and some, who 
needed no help, between three and six o'clock, about 200 voters. 
As both sides took care to have spies all night, the alarm was given 
to the New ticket men ; horsemen and footmen were immediately 
despatched to Germantown and elsewhere; and by 9 or 10 o'clock 
they began to pour in so that after the move for a close seven or 
eight hundred votes were procured; and about five hundred, or 
near it, of which w^ere for the New ticket, and they did not close 
till three of the afternoon, and it took them till one of the next 
day to count them oflf. 

The New ticket carried all but Harrison and Antes, and Fox 
and Hughes came in their room ; but it is surprising that from up- 
wards of three thousand nine hundred votes they should be so 
near each other. Mr. Willing and Mr. Bryon were elected Bur- 
gesses by a majority of upwards of one hundred votes, though the 
whole number was about one thousand three hundred. Mr. 
Franklin died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway agonizes in 
death like a Mortal Deist who has no hopes of a future existence. 
* * * * So Franklin and Galloway were defeated. In 
a vote of nearly four thousand there was a majority against Dr. 
Franklin of twenty-five. 

But for all this Franklin w^as not rendered inoperative against 
the Proprietaries. The very first application to the Assembly for 
supplies revived the old controversy. It was assured that the es- 
tates of the Proprietaries must be taxed, but the dispute was as 
to the manner and the basis of assessment. The necessities of the 
Province compelled the Assembly to grant the supplies asked, but 
the conduct of the Governor so angered the Assembly and their 
following that the movement to petition the King to purchase the 
jurisdiction of the Province from the Proprietaries and vest the 
government directly in the crown, became very popular. Frank- 
lin drew up the petition. He set forth in a strong light the in- 
crease in the valuation of the property held by them and the ac- 
companying increase of power. He presented in a strong manner 
the danger of such a third power operating between the people 
and the crown, able to thwart both, and robbing both, because re- 
fusing to bear the burdens belonging to it. 

The zeal of Franklin aroused the friends of the Proprietaries, 
who were not in any sense weaklings, and they put forth a brave 
effort to hold the people back from the step that clearly fore- 


shadowed revolution. The Quakers stood with Franklin. Sev- 
eral successive assemblies also favored his side of the question. 
Against these were John Dickinson, of whom it may be said there 
was not a clearer thinker or more able reasoner in the Province ; 
Isaac Norris, the venerable speaker of the Assembly ; Rev. Gilbert 
Tennant, and Rev. Francis Allison, men of great power among 
the Presbyterians, and William Allen, the Chief Justice, and after- 
ward father-in-law of Governor Penn. The contest was one of 
great interest among the people, because of the strength, both in 
character and ability, of the men who were leading both sides of 
the debate. Dr. Franklin was appointed Provincial Agent to urge 
the measure before the ministry in London. With high hopes he 
set sail November ist, 1764. When he reached London he was 
horrified to discover that there was no sympathy for his views 
in the minds of the counsellors of the King. The presentation 
of the question of the growing wealth of the colonies had attract- 
ed their attention and had aroused their cupidity. From this 
source they saw the means of replenishing their exhausted coffers 
and of making more valuable the monopolies in trade and manu- 
facture of the interests in which they were personally concerned. 
In pushing these measures they were contemplating measures that 
were directly antagonistic to every heart-throb of the Americans. 
Franklin saw with clearness of vision the result, and put forth 
all his power to prevent so great a political blunder and calamity. 
He knew that the temper of his people would not tolerate the 
method of taxation suggested. But the ministry were deaf to his 
appeals, and even insulting in their treatment of him. 

On the 22d of March, 1765, the stamp act was passed. Then 
Franklin wrote to his friend, Charles Thompson, in Philadelphia : 
*'The sun of liberty is set; you must Hght up the candles of indus- 
try and economy." Mr. Thompson went farther than Franklin 
in expression, and expressed the apprehension that other lights 
would be the consequence. Franklin was anxious to reduce the 
trouble as far as possible, and secured the appointment of his 
friend, John Hughes, to the position of stamp officer for Philadel- 
phia. When the vessel bearing Mr. Hughes and the stamps ar- 
rived at Philadelphia, in October, 1765, all the vessels in the har- 
bor displayed their flags at half mast, the bells of the city were 
muffled and thus rung, and thousands of the citizens gathered on 
the bank of the river, and in great excitement watched the vessel 


as it threw out its anchors. The resignation of Mr. Hughes was 
immediately demanded. This he refused to do, but agreed not to 
perform the duties of his office at the present time. The next step 
of the people was to determine that they would not purchase goods 
manufactured by the English monopolies, but would set up fac- 
tories of their own. This bold step caused a revulsion of feeling 
among the masses in England, and they compelled their ministry 
to recede from its position toward the colonies and repeal the 
act that had produced the disturbance. This was, however, done 
so ungraciously that with it the right to tax by ParHament was 
reaffirmed, and the cause of disturbance was thus continued. 

Franklin now had a still greater work to perform. On the 
1 6th of December the news reached England of the destruction of 
the tea in Boston harbor. At this time, because of certain letters 
which Franklin had published, he was made the target for rude 
and barbarous attacks and insults, which no man but a philosopher 
could have peacefully endured. Franklin was the mouth-piece of 
the American people, who were acting so outrageously toward the 
mother country, and the English people joined with the King and 
the ministry to show their contempt for these colonial upstarts. 
A series of measures were rushed through Parliament, opposed by 
only a few men who were able to see the drift of the times. Lord 
North introduced and carried through without objection the Bos- 
ton Port Bill, by which the port of Boston w^as closed until the 
King was satisfied of the submission of the rebellious towns, and 
the East India Company had been indemnified for the tea des- 
troyed. General Gage was appointed Civil Governor, and with 
four regiments of soldiers was sent to Boston to carry out the 
provisions of the bill, and to arrest and punish the leaders of the 
Americans. A second measure was, changing the charter of 
Masssachusetts and destroying the right of town meetings, and 
placing out of the hands of the people the appointments of mem- 
bers of councils, sheriffs and jurors. This measure was so tyrani- 
cal that it was vigorously opposed by Burke, Fox, Conway, and 
most of the Rockingham Whigs. Some men saw that the results 
were bound to be evil, and they disputed the measure with all the 
eloquence at their command. The measure was a revelation to 
the thinking people of the colonies. In it they saw the danger 
to their rights and liberties. What was done to ^Massachusetts 
might, at the whim of Parliament, be done to any one of them. 


They realized the time had come to make common cause for their 
rights. Thus from every colony there was sent to the men of 
Massachusetts words of encouragement, and promises of support 
in the struggle that they must now wage for an existence. Even 
on the frontier of Pennsylvania the neighbors and companions of 
Justice Antes listened to the call and heard it as Patrick Henry, in 
Virginia, heard it, and responded, not by a splendid display of 
oratory in the Assembly halls, but as plain men, armed themselves 
with their trusty rifles and what ammunition they could gather, 
and under the name of Captain Louden's Riflemen, bade farewell 
to their wives and children and cabin homes, and marched to Bos- 
ton to greet with patriotic fervor the newly appointed Com- 
mander-in-Chief, George Washington, of Virginia. 

But this insult and wrong did not exhaust the power for evil 
of the English ministry. They passed a measure that any soldier 
or crown officer indicted for murder, or other capital oflfence. 
should be transferred to Nova Scotia, or England, for trial. 
Another act was the quartering of the English troops on the citi- 
zens of Boston. Still another act gave toleration to the Roman 
Catholics, erected an arbitrary government with boundaries ex- 
tending to the Ohio, which threatened the territories of Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia. Thus the strong power of Parliament was 
asserted, and the rights of the colonists were denied. These col- 
onists were not of the material that makes slaves. They were 
free men with all the vigor and pride of freemen. The threats of 
the mother nation only served to unite them, and the current of 
thought w^as changed from the question of whether the Proprie- 
taries or the Crown should rule them to the conviction that they 
should be their own rulers. 

The one man in America who had a comprehension of the 
times was Benjamin Franklin. While Washington, an ardent 
and capable young man, was in the border warfare near the 
French line of forts on the western frontier, Franklin was grap- 
pling with the deepest questions of statesmanship, and framing 
methods of union and government that would be adopted by the 
people before his earthly career ended. 

The aggressions of the French, and the danger of the Iro- 
quois being alienated from the English, led to a convention 
meeting in Albany, to see what steps could be taken to unite 
all the colonies in one body for mutual protection and interest. 


On the loth of July, 1754, Franklin laid before the Com- 
missioners the draft of a federal constitution. He saw that 
what was needed was a central government, and his quick 
thought easily framed the plan upon which such a union could 
be consummated. The Commissioners listened, and were 
swayed by his words, and adopted his plan. It was then sub- 
mitted to the colonies before it could be of any account. But 
it was rejected by all of them, mostly on the ground that too 
much power was given to the Governor-General. The Eng- 
lish Board of Trade also rejected it, on the ground that the 
Americans were trying to set up a. government of their own. 
In the meantime the French were aggressive, and were winning 
victories in Western Pennsylvania. 

This document of Franklin's should be read side by side 
with the Articles of Confederation, and thus show how his plans 
were ultimately grasped by the people. This was at a time 
when all the colonies were thoroughly loyal to Great Britain. 
The adoption of this plan of union might have changed the his- 
tory of the world. The war between France and England lin- 
gered on until the loth of February, 1763, when a treaty of 
peace was signed at Paris. But while there was peace on the 
surface, the French never ceased to foment the spirit of dissat- 
isfaction on the part of the colonies with the mother country, 
and thus sowed seeds of discord that helped open the way for 
the final separation of the colonies from their mother country. 
England insisted on a spirit of arbitrary rule that became ex- 
ceedingly hard to bear. This created friction all along the line, 
and awakened the ambition of the thoughtful men to secure a 
government even better than that suggested by Franklin. In 
1 755^ John Adams wrote : "In another century all Europe will 
not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting 
up for ourselves is to disunite us.'' While people were talking 
in this way in private, the majority never were ready to declare 
for independence until war thrust the question upon them. 

Finally the treatment the colonies were receiving from the 
King of England and his counsellors led the calling of the sec- 
ond Colonial Congress, which met in Philadelphia in vScptem- 
ber, 1774. Eleven colonies were represented. It was unani- 
mously agreed to sustain Massachusetts in her struggle for her 
rights. Three addresses were sent forth : one to the King, one 


to the people of England, and one to the people of Canada. A 
resolution was adopted recommending the suspension of all 
commercial intercourse with Great Britain until the wrongs of 
the colonies should be redressed. The answ^er of England w^as 
to send a fleet and an army of ten thousand men to subdue the 
rebels. This w^as the beginning of the war. 

The next Congress of the colonies met in the following 
May, in Philadelphia. Most of the delegates had been chosen 
before the battle at Lexington had been fought, and the condi- 
tions were entirely altered by the shedding of the blood of the 
men of Massachusetts. Congress thus became the organ of 
common resistance to the foe. An army was ordered to be 
raised and Washington w^as appointed as the Commander-in- 
Chief. The phrase "United Colonies," was first used in his 
commission. At this Congress a continental currency was 
created, a general treasury and post-office established, and the 
whole management of Indian affairs was assumed by the Con- 

On June 7th, 1776, a resolution of independence was in- 
troduced, which was adopted the 4th of July, and the same day 
a committee was appointed to prepare articles of confederation, 
which, however, did not report until November, 1777, and in- 
deed the articles of confederation were not adopted by all the 
colonies until 1781. During this interim war was being waged 
with England, and the question of the life of the Colonial Union 
was suspended in the balance. 



BEING IN the wilderness and distant from the head- 
center of public life did not prevent the people from tak- 
ing an interest in all that concerned the government of 
the country. If the statesmen of England had understood how 
the people of the colonies watched every movement with a per- 
sonal interest, and a feeling that they had the right of participa- 
tion, they would have moved more carefully in their measures 
touching the possessions of the colonists. There was a sense 
of manhood and independence developing in the forests of thq 
colonies that was the true foundation for the liberty and equal- 
ity that was bound to prevail in this land. There could not by 
any possibility be reproduced the old forms of English social 
life, with its distinctions, and its inferior and superior classes. 
A man felling a tree in the forest realized a sense of manhood 
that defied the assumptions of those who had more money or 
more education than himself. As to money he would earn it 
by the sweat of his face ; as to education, he would pay a school- 
master to give it to his children and place them in the fore-front 
of progress. Hence these men were alive to everything that 
called for new conditions, or affected the old conditions of life 
about them. When the post brought the news, there were 
crowds of people who had come in their canoes from miles up 
the river and down the river, to learn the news and discuss it in 
their own peculiar, forcible way. The boat landing by the mill 
was their gathering place, and the shore was lined with the 
boats that represented every settler's home. When the man of 
the family returned to his home, he found the women and chil- 
dren as eager to learn the news as he had been when he started 
for the news-center, the landing at the mill. 

The visits of strangers were welcomed, because they broke 
the monotony of the life in solitude, and brought to mind the 
experiences of the towns, or of the lower country where they 


had once lived. The best the house afforded was placed before 
the stranger, and he soon learned that the special business ex- 
pected of him was to talk. One popular class of visitors was the 
peddler with his pack, containing an assortment of every kind, 
and agents with clocks, both small and family clocks, and tour- 
ists from Philadelphia, and occasionally a clergyman on a tour 
of preaching. Such was Rev. Mr. Fithian, from New Jersey, 
who found a cordial welcome wherever he stopped, because he 
was a preacher of the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ. When 
he came to the Susquehanna Valley, in 1775, instead of there 
being but one house in Northumberland, as there had been 
when Antes came, there was a thriving town with cultured peo- 
ple, and a rivalry existing between it and Sunbury that threat- 
ened to have the distinction of the aristocracy on the gentle 
slopes of the latter town. Here were dwelling Reuben Haines, 
the proprietor of the town; Mr. McCartney, Mr. Cooke, the 
Sheriff; Mr. John Barker, a lawyer; Mr. Scull, the Deputy Sur- 
veyor General ; Mr. Martin, the owner of the tavern, and others. 
The town was also the resort of a number of boatmen who were 
employed in going up and down the river to Middletown. Mrs. 
Scull had a pleasant garden and summer house in it, and her 
parlor was decorated with handsome oil paintings, and a library 
that was stocked with the books of the day. Mr. Fithian speaks 
of a congregation in the woods a few miles up the West Branch 
from Northumberland as the silk-gowned congregation, because 
all the ladies wore silk. 

At this time there was an increase of excitement pervading 
the entire country, extending to the remotest frontier, on ac- 
count of the growing opposition to the rule of England over 
the colonies. Thirty young men from the West Branch, preced- 
ed by a fife and drum, marched down the river to Sunbury, on 
their way to the seat of war. They were all expert riflemen, 
under the command of Captain Louden. 

The description of one of the companies of riflemen, com- 
manded by Captain George Nagle, the brother-in-law of Elias 
Youngman, will give a fair idea of this branch of the Colonial 
army : 

"It consisted of one captain, three lieutenants, four ser- 
geants, four corporals, one drummer and sixty-five privates. 
They are remarkably stout and hardy men, many of them ex- 


ceeding six feet in height. They are dressed in white frocks 
or rifle shirts and round hats. These men are remarkable foi 
the accuracy of their aim, striking a mark with great certainty 
at two hundred yards distance. At a review, while on a quick 
advance, a company of them fired their balls into objects oi 
seven inches diameter, at the distance of two hundred and fifty 
yards. They are now stationed in our lines, and their shots 
have frequently proved fatal to British officers and soldiers who 
expose themselves to view, even at more than double the dis- 
tance of common musket shot. Each man bore a rifle-barrel- 
ed gun, a tomahawk or small axe, and a long knife, usually 
called a scalping knife, which served for all purposes in the 
woods. His underdress, by no means in military style, was cov- 
ered by a deep ash-colored hunting-shirt, leggins and mocca- 
sins, if the latter could be procured. It was the silly fashion oi 
those times for riflemen to ape the manner of savages.'' 

We can be sure that if the West Branch riflemen did not 
reach Boston as soon as Captain Nagle's men from Reading, 
they were not behind them in their rustic backwoods accoutre- 

On the 20th of July there was held a Continental Fast, and 
sermons were preached on the subject of the grave difficulties 
agitating the country. On the 29th of July, Henry Antes was 
appointed one of the Judges of Quarter Sessions; the other 
members appointed at the same time were Samuel Hunter, 
James Potter, William Maclay, Robert Moodie, John Loudon, 
Benjamin Weiser and John Simpson. On the 28th of Novem- 
ber of this year, by the election of Thomas Wharton, President 
of the Council of State, the reign of the Penn family ceased for- 
ever in Pennsylvania. Henry Antes began his public life un- 
der the new regime. 

At this time all the houses in Sunbury were built of logs, 
except the one erected by Mr. Maclay, which was of stone. 
The residence of Samuel Wallis was the only one along the 
West Branch that was not built of logs. In this particulai 
there was the most absolute equality of rich and poor. The 
style of architecture was on one plan, the difi^erence being ir 
the size of the structure. The matter of inside adornment, anc! 
the garden surroundings, was different according to the taste 
or the means of the owners. Mr. Fithian was surprised, nol 

Settlers Home at Muncy in 1770. 

Maolay's House in Sunbury 1773. 


only at the number of people who wore silk when they came to 
the preaching services, but also at the varieties that appeared. 
In those days one silk gown was expected to last a lifetime, and 
the dressmaker could not be allowed to cut and alter it to suit 
any passing styles. There were no Parisian fashion plates to 
stir the pride of the ladies into the adoption of new modes of 
dress. As to the men, they found a ready use of the skins of 
the animals they killed. They had their own way of dressing 
these skins and transforming them into clothes which were 
warm and serviceable. Besides, flax was one of the crops that 
every housewife raised, and out of this spun the thread and 
made the garments needed by the family. The loonj and dis- 
taflf were in every cabin, and this constituted the greater part of 
the work of the women indoors. In the Antes cabin young 
Henry was his father's assistant in the out-of-door work, and 
Philip served as his mother's helper in the garden and at the 
loom, while the baby grew and learned to prattle in English 
the language of the neighborhood, and also in German, the lan- 
guage they loved so w^ell as the language of their home. On 
the 6th of March, 1775, there came into the Antes household 
another daughter, whom they named Anna Maria. The in- 
creased responsibilities brought with them increased happiness, 
and drove away the lonesomeness engendered by the dark shad- 
ows of the overhanging woods. 

We can see the family in the evening, after the work of the 
day has been done, and the cattle and pigs and fowls are safely 
housed against the attack of ravenous wild beasts, lying on the 
floor on bear skins, watching the flickering of the fire in the 
huge fire place, while the father takes down the prized violin, 
which was made by his brother John, now a missionary in 
Egypt, and the whole family join in singing hymns, accompan- 
ied by the sweet-voiced instrument. We can imagine the pan- 
ther in the forest, creeping toward the light of the cabin fire, so 
softly that not a leaf even is stirred by her tread, and stopping, 
in amazement, at the strange sounds so different from anything 
ever heard on mountain or plain.- Over the riv^r the sound 
goes, for the atmosphere is not burdened with thousands of 
noises such as a great multitude constantly makes, and the lit- 
tle band of Indians camping on the Island, their favorite camp- 
ing ground, stop their talking and lie still and listen to the me- 


lodious sounds. What an instrument, and what a quartette! 
The man's deep bass, the woman's treble, the tenor of young 
Henry, and the alto of PhiHp. Never did the songs of the Mo- 
ravian faith sound sweeter than here in this lonely mountain 
outpost of human habitation. When the singing ceased the 
peace of God rested on the valley. 

During this year the courage of the family was put to a 
severe test. The posts from Philadelphia brought news of the 
conflicts between the English and the Americans. On the 19th 
of April the battle of Lexington was fought. On the 9th of 
May, Ethan Allen captured Fort Ticonderoga, as he said, "In 
the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress!" 
although at that time the Continental Congress was not in ex- 
istence. It met six hours later than the anticipatory announce- 
ment. On the 17th of June came the battle of Bunker Hill, 
while on the 15th of June, Washington was appointed the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the American armies. During the year 
1775 the King's authority was overthrown in all the colonies. 

The reports of these events spread like wild fire through 
all sections of the country, and on the frontier men waited with 
anxiety to hear of the latest step toward freedom. When Cap- 
tain Louden gathered together the most expert riflemen in the 
valley and marched to Boston to help General Washington, the 
frontier was depleted of its best defenders ; but patriotism was 
in the air, and thought of the safety of home was forgotten. 

At this time the illegal settlers on the Indian hunting 
grounds, according to the proclamation of the Governor and 
Council, should have been arrested and tried before the Court of 
Quarter Sessions and punished. Henry Antes, their neighbor, 
was the justice before whom the complaints should be made. 
Would he order them? But the spirit of patriotism that was in 
the valley flamed in the hearts of these brave men, and some of 
them went to the war as heroically as any men in the land. Henry 
Antes could not think of arresting men of the families who had 
sent their sons, because of their expertness as riflemen, to the de- 
fence of the greater and broader liberties of the land simply to 
gratify hungry land speculators. Hence the proclamation at this 
time was a dead letter. 

But not so in the lower part of the county in regard to the 
Connecticut men. There were reports that the men of Wyoming 


were coming down the river in force to capture Fort Augusta, 
and seize the lands along the West Branch. There were men at 
Northumberland who were not averse to leading the people in bat- 
tle array, and who were not in sympathy with the revolt against 
England. Martin had his grudge to fill against the people of 
Wyoming. Dr. Plunket thirsted for a renewal of military pres- 
tige, and the Sheriff was anxious to prove his ability to cope with 
all the requirements of his position. Hence a military expedition 
was called for to go up the river and clean out the nest of Con- 
necticut invaders. The call stirred every home in the valley. The 
spirit of war was in the air. Seven hundred men, the full equip- 
ment of the valley, assembled at Fort Augusta for the expedition. 
Antes shouldered his rifle and went to stand beside the honorable 
and valiant justice, Dr. Plunket. Samuel Wallis was there with 
his money to help pay the cost of transportation, as also to give his 
personal influence. John Brady was there, the representative of 
one of the bravest families that ever lived on the West Branch. 
When Dr. Plunket looked over his little army he might well be 
proud, for the best and the bravest men in the county were at his 
service. The year was almost at a close when they made their 
advance, and in the meantime there was anxiety in every cabin 
home as to the result of this affair. It was the beginning of a 
terrible anxiety that for several years robbed them of their sleep 
by night and their joy by day, and did not end until their homes 
went up in smoke and the graveyards became fat with their torn 
and mangled bodies. 

But the expedition came to naught. There was one battle in 
which the Connecticut men had the victory, and then it was 
thought best to resort to other measures, and the men marched 
back again and disbanded, to return to their homes. Besides, it 
was the Christmas season, and the men were needed to brighten 
their pioneer homes with the gladness of the occasion. After all, 
they did not care so muck about the matter, for it was apparent 
that there had been more talk than fact in the reports of the pur- 
poses of the Wyoming people. They were fellow-settlers and 
already displayed a spirit of allegiance to the Continental Con- 
gress that put the boys of the West Branch by the side of the 
boys of the North Branch in battlefield and in suffering camp for 
the attainment of the liberties of their land. If the great land 
owners wanted to fight the battle, let them do it, but the common 


people had better things now to occupy their minds. 

Henry Antes hastened home to celebrate Christmas with his 
family in their comfortable log cabin, and to continue the work of 
building the mill. 

In other cabins the thought of war for the time gave way to 
thoughts of peace. Bratton Caldwell was one of the illegal set- 
tlers on the Indian happy hunting grounds. His home was on 
Pine Run, a few miles below Long Island. He could not resist 
the attractions of the daughter of one of his neighbors, and soon 
secured her promise to become his wife. The winter had set in 
with great cold, and the river was frozen from shore to shore. 
But the party did not mind this, and with a numerous band to ac- 
company them, went up the river, past Long Island, and crossed 
the river on the ice and came to the cabin of Justice Antes. The 
knot was soon tied, and then the jollification began. It was true, 
many of the young men were from home, at Boston in the army, 
but there were enough at home to give a vent to their love of 
sport. This was the first wedding in the Fair Play community, 
and it must be an example for the others to follow. There were 
trials of skill, and gladsome games, and royal feasting on deer 
and bear. We can imagine the scene from the following descrip- 
tion by Doddridge : 

An Old-Time Wedding, For a long time after the first set- 
tlement of this country the inhabitants in general married young. 
There was no distinction of rank, and very little of fortune. On 
these accounts the first impression of love resulted in marriage, 
and a family establishment cost but little labor and nothing else. 
|. A description of a wedding from beginning to end will serve to 

show the manners of our forefathers, and mark the grade of civili- 
zation which has succeeded to their rude state of society in the 
course of a few years. At an early period the practice of celebrat- 
ing the marriage at the house of the bride began, and, it would 
seem, with great propriety. She also has the choice of the priest 
to perform the ceremony. 

A wedding engaged the attention of a whole neighborhood, 
and the frolic was anticipated by old and young with eager ex- 
pectation. This is not to be wondered at when it is told that a 
wedding was almost the only gathering which was not accom- 
panied with the labor of reaping, log-rolling, building a cabin, or 
planning some scout or campaign. 

RUMORS O? WAR. 32 1 

In the morning of the wedding day the groom and his attend- 
ants assembled at the house of his father for the purpose of reach- 
ing the mansion of his bride by noon, which was the usual time 
for celebrating the nuptuals, which, for certain, must take place 
before dinner. 

Let the reader imagine an assemblage of people without a 
store, tailor, or mantua-maker within a hundred miles, and an 
assemblage of horses without a blacksmith, or saddler within an 
equal distance. The gentlemen dressed in shoe-packs, moccasins, 
leather breeches, leggings, linsey hunting shirts, and all home- 
made. The ladies dressed in linsey petticoats and linsey or linen 
bed-gowns, coarse shoes, stockings, handkerchiefs, and buckskin 
gloves, if any. If there were any buckles, rings, buttons or ruffles 
they were the relics of old times; family pieces from parents or 
grandparents. The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, 
old bridles or halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket 
thrown over them ; a rope, or string as often constituted the girth 
as a piece of leather. 

The march in double file was often interrupted by the nar- 
rowness and obstructions of our horse-paths, as they were 
called, for we had no roads ; and these difficulties were often in- 
creased, sometimes by the good and sometimes by the ill-will 
of neighbors, by falling trees, and tying grape vines across the 
way. Sometimes an ambuscade was formed by the wayside, 
and an unexpected discharge of several guns took place so as 
to cover the wedding party with smoke. Let the reader imag- 
ine the scene which followed this discharge ; the sudden spring 
of the horses, the shrieks of the girls, and the chivalric bustle of 
their partners to save them from falling. Sometimes, in spite 
of all that could be done to prevent it, some were thrown to the 
ground. If a wrist, elbow or ankle happened to be sprained, 
it was tied with a handkerchief, and little more was thought or 
said about it. 

Another ceremony commonly took place before the party 
reached the house of the bride, after the practice of making 
whiskey began, which was at an early period. When the party 
were about a mile from the place of their destination, two young 
men would single out to run for the bottle : the worse the path, 
the more logs, brush, and deep hollows, the better, as these ob- 
stacles afforded an opportunity for the greater display of in- 


trepidity and horsemanship. The English fox chase, in point 
of danger to the horses and their riders, is nothing to this race 
for the bottle. The start was announced by an Indian yell; 
logs, brush, muddy hollows, hill and glen, were speedily passed 
by the rival ponies. The bottle was always filled for the occa- 
sion, so that there was no use for judges ; for the first who reach- 
ed the door was presented with a prize, with which he returned 
in triumph to the company. On approaching them he an- 
nounced his victory over his rival by a shrill whoop. At the 
head of the troop he gave the bottle, first to the groom and his 
attendants, and then to each pair in succession to the rear of 
the line, giving each a dram, and then, putting the bottle in the 
bosom of his hunting-shirt, took his station in the company. 

The ceremony of the marriage preceded the dinner, which 
was a substantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, and 
sometimes venison and bear meat, roasted and boiled, with 
plenty of potatoes, cabbage and other vegetables. During the 
dinner the greatest hilarity always prevailed, although the table 
might be a large sized slab of timber, hewed out with a broad- 
axe, supported by four sticks set in auger holes, and the furniture 
some old pewter dishes and plates ; the rest, wooden bowls and 
trenchers ; a few pewter spoons, much battered about the edges, 
were to be seen at some tables. The rest were made of horns. 
If knives were scarce, the deficiency was made up by the scalp- 
ing knives, which were carried in sheaths suspended to the belt 
of the hunting shirt. 

After dinner the dancing commenced, and generally lasted 
till the next morning. The figures of the dances were three 
and four-handed reels, or square setts and jiggs. The com- 
mencement was always a square four, which was followed by 
what was called jigging it off, that is, two of the four would 
single out for a jig, and were followed by the remaining couple. 
The jigs were often accompanied with what was called cutting 
out, that is. when either of the parties became tired of the dance, 
on intimation, the place was supplied by some one of the com- 
pany without any interruption of the dance. In this way, a 
dance was often continued till the musician was heartily tired 
of his situation. Towards the latter part of the night, if any of 
the company, through weariness, attempted to conceal them- 
selves, for the purpose of sleeping, they were hunted up, paraded 


on the floor, and the fiddler ordered to play "Hang out till to- 
morrow morning/' 

About nine or ten o'clock, a deputation of the young ladies 
stole off the bride, and put her to bed. In doing this, it fre- 
quently happened that they had to ascend a ladder instead of a 
pair of stairs, leading from the dining and ball room to the loft, 
the floor of which was made of clapboards, lying loose, and 
without nails. As the foot of the ladder was commonly behind 
the door, which was purposely opened for the occasion, and its 
rounds at the inner ends were well hung with hunting-shirts, 
petticoats and other articles of clothing, the candles being on 
the opposite side of the house, the exit of the bride was noticed 
but by few. This done, a deputation of young men, in like 
manner, stole off the groom, and placed him snugly by the side 
of his bride. The dance still continued, and if seats happened 
to be scarce, which was often the case, every young man, when 
not engaged in the dance, was obliged to offer his lap as a seat 
for one of the girls, and the offer was sure to be accepted. In 
the midst of their hilarity the bride and groom were not forgot- 
ten. Pretty late in the night, someone would remind the com- 
pany that the new couple must stand in need of some refresh- 
ment ; Black Betty, which was the name of the bottle, was called 
for, and sent up theladder. But sometimes. Black Betty did 
not go alone. I have many times seen as much bread, beef, 
pork and cabbage, sent along with her as would afford a good 
meal for half a dozen hungry men. The young couple were 
compelled to eat and drink, more or less, of whatever was of- 
fered them. 

It often happened tliat some neighbors or relations not 
being asked to the wedding took offence, and the mode of re- 
venge adopted by them on such occasions was that of cutting 
off the manes, foretops and tails of the wedding company's 
horses. On returning to the infair, the order of procession 
and the race for Black Betty was the same as before. The 
feasting and dancing often lasted for several days, at the end of 
which the whole company was so exhausted with loss of sleep 
that several days' rest were requisite to fit them to return to 
their ordinary labors. 

In the universal burst of patriotism that swept through the 
valley there was no one more thoroughly alive to the spirit of 


the hour than Henry Antes. Yet no one saw more clearly that 
there was as much patriotism in remaining at home to meet the 
Indians if they should rise in anger against the whites, as there 
was in going to Boston to help the colony of Massachusetts in 
her struggle against the wrongs thrust upon her, and, through 
her, upon all the colonies. 

There was another reason why Antes should not leave the 
valley. He was the one who provided them with their bread- 
stuffs. No one could forget the great old coffee mill that had 
served its day in the Inn at Germantown, and then proved a 
greater blessing to the settlers, nor the reUef to the entire valley 
when Antes invested time, money and labor in building the mill 
to which every one resorted. Even the demands of patriotism 
would not warrant the closing of that mill. We do not know 
the size of the mill, but in Wallis' papers there is the statement 
that in 1785 he had a grist mill built on Carpenter's Run, for 
which the irons were to be repaired and altered according to 
the directions given by Henry Antes. 

The specifications called for a size of twenty by twenty-four 
feet. There were to be glass windows, two doors four by six 
and one-half feet, chimney clear, five by six and one-half feet, 
nine inch. Light hibs and shutters, two and one-half feet by 
two feet. Water house, cog pit, gate hole, mantel piece, and 
shaft. For the machinery, one hundred and twenty cogs, three 
inches square, thirteen inches long, and forty round cogs, three 
inches square by sixteen inches long, all of good tough hickory, 
well seasoned. Twelve oak boards, one inch thick, seventeen 
boards, fifteen feet long, for water wheel buckets, eight hun- 
dred feet well seasoned pine boards, six pieces pine scantling, 
four by three and one-half inches square, sixteen feet long. 

The mill was near the point where the creek entered the river, 
just below the high bluff that rose like a watch tower above it. 
Below the mill was the landing, to which the settlers from the level 
plains on the other side came, and the resort of the people com- 
prising the Fair Play community. There was no more popular 
place in the valley than this, and here the awful portents of the 
times were fully discussed. 

When the* grist mill was completed the settlers flocked to it 
from all parts of the Fair Play community, and from the valleys 
bordering the Susquehanna for a distance of forty and fifty miles. 





It became the general rendezvous of the settlers. Nowhere in the 
valley north of Northumberland could the news be learned quicker 
than here. There was an additional certainty in the reliability of 
the news, because Frederick Antes, in the Assembly at Philadel- 
phia, knew that it was to the interest of the cause he represented to 
keep his brother, and through him his neighbors and friends, thor- 
oughly posted as to the events so rapidly maturing at the seat of 
government. Here, too, the fathers of the young men who had 
gone to the seat of war with Captain Louden learned of the prog- 
ress they were making, and the rising of the spirit of patriotism 
they were witnessing throughout the country. Here, too, the busy, 
practical people, feeling the advantage of the state of affairs to the 
marketing of their produce, learned the prices current for game, 
skins, flax, salt, timber, powder, shot, rifles, and even the wished 
for, but unattainable, dress goods. In the meantime, while the 
neighbors were discussing these affairs, the mill kept on grinding 
their grain, and when the grist was ready they ceased their con- 
versation and hurried home with the flour and the grist of new 
ideas of the turmoil the country was seething in. It was thus 
that the miller became the leading man of the frontier, and it was 
easy for him to duplicate the offices thrust upon him. For Miller 
Antes was also their Magistrate, and the one they looked to as 
their leader in peace and in war. 

When the information came to the Antes mill that the Col- 
onial Congress was about to take the last step in the progress of 
freedom, and declare the colonies free from the rule of England, 
there was a wild burst of enthusiasm that swept into every cabin, 
both of the lawful and the unlawful settlers. It was particularly 
pleasing to the occupants of the Fair Play territory. It seemed 
to be a vindication of their course. The great heads of the col- 
onies were filled with a spirit that could be understood by them. 
England was to them what the Proprietary Government had been 
to the poor settlers. They arranged for a public meeting on the 
level plain, above Pine creek. Here, with patriotism surging on 
every side, and after speeches expressing their ardor and patriot- 
ism, they passed a series of resolutions absolving themselves from 
all allegiance to England and declaring themselves free and inde- 
pendent. Some of the men who signed this document were 
Thomas Prances, John Clark, Alexander Donaldson, William 
Campbell, Alexander Hamilton, John Jackson, Adam Carson, 

326 RUMORS o:p war. 

Henry McCracken, Adam Dewitt, Robert Love and HugJ 

The date of this meeting was July fourth, 1776. At th( 
same hour, more than two hundred miles away, the same spirii 
was manifested, and the representatives of the colonies were pass- 
ing similar resolutions. It is a remarkable historical fact, reveal- 
ing how thoroughly the men of the frontier were in sympathj 
with the throbbing life of the whole country, and that the spirii 
thus manifested was not to be overcome as long as there was i 
man left to shout the cry of freedom. 

It was in the midst of such surroundings, and in the midsi 
of such influences, that the sons of Henry Antes were reared. A 
this time young Henry was nineteen years of age, and his father'j 
helper in the mill and at the home, the reliable stand-by, as hii 
father journeyed here and there among the settlements gathering 
men for that army and attending to the peace of the country as i 
faithful Magistrate. 



AT THE very time the clouds of strife were gathering the 
thickest, the prospects for the settlement of the valley were 
the brightest. There were numbers of immigrants, daily 
arriving, mostly from New Jersey, and they lost no time in be- 
ginning their attack upon the lofty trees of the forest. The dis- 
turbance at Boston seemed afar off, and even the coming of the 
soldiers of England to Philadelphia did not appear to be within 
the reach of the frontier they had chosen for their homes. There 
were some, however, who saw the relation of things in a better 
light. They realized that war in one part of the country meant 
war in all parts of it, and that there would be no place free from 
danger. One of these men was Captain John Brady, w-ho had 
won fame in the French and Indian war. He well understood 
the nature of the red man, and the danger to be apprehended from 
his uniting with the enemies of the colonists. He knew that the 
Delawares were now the foes of the white people speaking the 
English language. There were also the Seneca and Monsey tribes, 
who were not friendly with the Delawares. These latter were in 
considerable force along the creeks coming from the north and 
emptying into the Susquehanna. In a short time they could come 
from their strongholds at the head waters of these streams in their 
canoes and ravage the country before them. If the favor of these 
Indians could be secured, they would be a safeguard against the 
Delawares, and a barrier against all forest rangers thirsting for 

Captain Hunter, the commander at Fort Augusta, had only 
about fifty men at the Fort. The fear of an Indian uprising was 
making the people timid all over the valley, and at every little 
alarm, crowds of women and children rushed to the Fort for pro- 
tection. In this state of feeling it was difficult for the settlers to 
gather in their harvests. This was the first blow at the prosperity 
of the valley. 


Captain Brady suggested that the Seneca and Monsey chiefs 
be called to a conference at the Fort, and that a treaty be made 
with them that would insure their peaceful attitude. 

The consent of the Provincial authorities was secured, and 
the Indians were invited. At the time appointed one hundred 
warriors, dressed in the full panoply of war, and accompanied by 
their wives and children, came down the river in their canoes and 
encamped at the Fort. It was a thrilling time for the little garri- 
son. They made as brave an appearance as possible, but could not 
conceal their poverty from the keen eyes of the covetous savages. 
When the Indians, who were always accustomed to receive large 
gifts at treaties, saw that there were no valuable gifts for them, 
they declined to enter into the treaty, and departed. The sight 
of this large party of warriors in their canoes with their families, 
radiant in the brilliant colors so dear to the taste of the red man, 
was a spectacle that the white man must have admired, yet dread- 
ed to see again. The soldiers had not been careless. They saw 
every glance of the Indians, and realized the contempt with which 
they withdrew. They did not doubt but that they would remove 
only out of sight, and then treacherously return under the cover 
of darkness to destroy the Fort and take the scalps of its defend- 

A few miles up the river, where Lewisburg now stands, the 
German, Frederick Derr, had a mill and a store, or traders' outfit, 
where he sold the Indians powder, lead, tobacco and rum. It oc- 
curred to Brady that the Indians would proceed to his place and 
fill themselves with rum. This would awaken the worst passions 
within them, and then no sentiments of mercy would have any 
effect in restraining them from cruel deeds. Brady mounted a 
small mare he had at the Fort and crossed the North Branch of 
tlie river, and hurriedly rode after the Indians. When he reach- 
ed the point opposite Derr's he saw the canoes of the savages and 
the squaws exerting themselves to the utmost to bring the canoes 
to the side of the river where he was, and hide them in the bush- 
lined banks. Then he saw that they carried out of the canoes 
rifles, tomahawks, and knives, and hid them in the sumac bushes. 
He immediately jumped into a canoe and hastened across to Derr's 
trading house, where he found a barrel of rum standing on end 
with the head out, and the Indians becoming brutally drunk. In 
a moment Brady upset the barrel, and the rum was lost as it spread 




over the ground. Then he turned to Derr, in his indignation, and 

**My God, Frederick, what have you done?" 

Derr repHed, "Dey dells me you giv em no dreet town on de 
Fort, so I dinks as I giv um one here, als he go home in beace." 

The Indians were too drunk to prevent the upsetting of the 
rum, and, as their weapons had been taken away, they could not 
punish the brave white man on the spot. One of them, however, 
told Brady that he would regret it, which was a covert threat of 
death for interfering with them. This made Brady watchful for 
years, lest the Indian should carry into effect his threat. 

The courage of this deed has seldom been excelled. But 
there were no braver men in the world than the members of the 
Brady family. 

The Indians did not, at this time, wreak their vengeance, 
but the entire valley was in a state of apprehension. The settlers 
at once began building stockade forts at various points for gather- 
ing places in case of an attack. 

Fort Jenkins was built near where Bloomsburg stands. Fort 
Bosley was on the Chilisquaqua, near Washington. Boon's Fort 
was on Muddy Run, two miles above Milton. Fort Swartz was 
one mile above Milton. Fort Menninger was at the mouth of 
Warrior's Run. Freeland's Fort was four miles up the run. 
Fort Muncy was between Pennsboro and the mouth of Muncy 
creek. At Pine was Samuel Horn's Fort. At Lock Haven was 
the Blockhouse, commanded by Colonel Long. On the bluff, 
above his mill, Henry Antes gathered the settlers of his section of 
the valley, and built the spacious stockade that has from that time 
to this marked the locality as Antes Fort. 

The fame of the men of the West Branch spread far and 
wide, and from various counties recruiting officers came, offering 
bribes to these men to enlist under their command for the defence 
of the country. This threatened to deplete the frontier of its de- 
fenders, and a meeting was called to protest against such men be- 
ing permitted to thus rob the country. The following communi- 
cation was sent to the Committee of Safety, in Philadelphia : 

March 13th, 1776. "We are now, gentlemen, to inform you 
of what we think a grievance to this young and thinly inhabited 
country, viz. : a constant succession of recruiting officers from 
different counties in this province. Our zeal for the cause of 


American liberty has hitherto prevented our taking any steps to 
hinder the raising of men for its service; but finding the evil in- 
creasing so fast upon us as almost to threaten the depopulation 
of the country, we cannot help appealing to the wisdom and jus- 
tice of your committee to know whether the quota of men that 
may be demanded from this county, under their own officers, is 
not as much as can reasonably be expected from it. Whether, at 
a time when we are uncertain of peace with the Indians (well 
knowing that our enemies are tampering with them), and a claim 
is set up to the greatest part of the province by a neighboring- 
colony, who have their hostile abettors at our very breasts, as well 
as their emissaries among us, is it prudent to drain an infant 
frontier county of its strength of men? And whether the safety 
of the interior parts of the province would not be better secured 
by adding strength to the frontier ? Whether our honorable As- 
sembly, by disposing of commissions to gentlemen in different 
counties to raise companies, which are to form the number of bat- 
talions thought necessary for the defense of this province, did not 
intend that the respective captains should raise their companies 
where they were appointed, and not distress one county by taking 
from it all the men necessary for the business of agriculture, as 
w^ell as the defence of the same. From our knowledge of the 
state of this county we make free to give our opinion of what 
would be most for its advantage, as well as that of the province 
(between which we hope there will never be a difference) ; and 
first, are to inform you of the poverty of the people, many of 
whom came bare and naked here, being plundered by a banditty 
who called themselves Yankees; and those who brought some 
property w-ith them, from the necessary delay of cultivating a 
wilderness before they could have any produce to live upon, to- 
gether with the necessity of still continuing the closest application 
to labor and industry for their support, renders it morally improb- 
able that a well disciplined militia can be established here, as the 
distance which some men are obliged to go to muster is the loss 
of two days to them ; w^hich, not being paid for, they will not, nor 
indeed can they, so often attend as is necessary to complete them 
even in the manual exercise. We would recommend that two or 
more companies be raised and put on pay for the use of the prov- 
ince to be ready to march, when and where the service may re- 
quire them, and when not wanted for the service of the public at 


any particular place, to be stationed in this county, in order to be 
near and to defend our frontiers should they be attacked by our 
enemies of any denomination, the good effects of which we imag- 
ine would be considerable, as, though they may be too few to 
repel, they may stop the progress of an enemy until the militia 
could be raised to assist them. Should this proposal appear to be 
eligible, please to inform us thereof, and we will recommend such 
gentlemen for oflficers as we think most suitable for the service 
and agreeable to the people. Signed by John Hambright, chair- 
man of the meeting." 

On the 1 2th day of September, 1775, the representatives 
of the people met at Derr*s, because it was a central place, and 
elected the officers whom they desired to lead them in the defence 
of their homes. James Potter was elected Colonel; Robert 
Moodie, Lieutenant Colonel; John Kelly, First Major; John 
Brady, Second Major, and eleven captains of companies. Henry 
Antes was elected the Captain of Company 8, which consisted 
of fifty-eight men. The captains were to receive twenty-nine 
dollars a month, and to find their own arms and clothes. 

When the call came for the soldiers to leave the valley and 
go to the army below Philadelphia, there was a re-arrangement 
of the troops, which caused Captain Antes to be transferred to 
the regiment of the Second Battalion of Northumberland 
County Associators, of which William Plunket was Colonel, and 
Antes was placed at the head of the First Company. 

There was a great difference between Captain Antes and 
the colonel of the regiment. The sympathies of the colonel 
were with the English. He was thoroughly filled with the 
pride of an English-born subject. He was only an immigrant 
in America, and some represented that he was forced to emi- 
grate because of certain unlawful deeds that he had committed. 
Be that as it may, he was a brave man and a capable officer un- 
til the question of loyalty to England was called into decision. 
Captain Antes, on the other hand, was a native born American, 
and was filled with the deepest loyalty to his land. It therefore 
soon happened that Colonel Plunket dropped out of the army, 
and Captain Antes received a commission as lieutenant colonel, 
with command of the forces on the extreme frontier, and head- 
quarters at the Stockade, called Antes' Fort. 

Antes' Fort was in one of the most exposed places on the 


frontier. It stood overlooking the mouth of Pine Creek and 
the ancient fortifications of the Indians, the origin of which was 
so far in the past that no one knew their history. 

If there was to be an invasion by the Indians in force, it 
was probable that they would descend Pine Creek, hence it was 
essential to the security of the whole valley that from the walls 
of Antes' Fort the keenest and most vigilant watch should un- 
remittingly be kept. 

The logs set upright in the ground, making the walls of the 
fort, were eighteen feet long. Inside the stockade, cabins were 
built for the families to dwell in, and before them the yards for 
their cattle. On the summit of the hill there was a grazing 
clearing for the cattle. On the side of the hill, below the walls, 
was a good strong spring of water. The creek was just below 
the walls, and the four-pounder threatened destruction to any 
one who dared to interfere with the mill. 

The view from the fort, looking up the river, commanded 
the river up to the mouth of Pine creek, and no flotilla of ca- 
noes could secretly come from that quarter. If the battling 
was to be in the open field, there would be no question of the 
success of the brave white settlers. They would delight to thus 
match themselves as men against men and prove to the world 
the quality of their patriotism. 

Indians, however, did not fight in the open. They crept 
through the woods and high grass, and watched as a cat watches 
for a bird, and then when the victim, unconscious of danger or 
the presence of a foe, was carelessly attending to the duties of 
his position, the Indian crashed a tomahawk into his brain, and 
the first sign of his presence to the people of the fort, or neigh- 
borhood, would be the sound of his dreadful war whoop, or 
triumphant shout that meant he had secured a scalp. 

The presence of one troop of Indians in the valley placed 
all the people in terror, for no one knew where they might ap- 
pear, or at whose doors they were lurking. Even w^hen the 
guarding soldiers left the fort to seek the foe, no one knew 
whether the foe was watching their departure, intending to 
wreak vengeance on the feeble ones left in the enclosure, or 
were following with the scent of death the soldiers, to pick them 
ofif. one by one, as they, perchance, might straggle from the main 
body. And at night, when they encamped, the closest watch 


had to be maintained, lest their weapons be stolen, and they 
themselves tomahawked while asleep. x\n Indian could creep 
through the bushes and over the leaves with the silence of the 
serpent, and the great stretch of forest gave no signs of his pres- 
ence within. Along the rivers and creeks, at the most unex- 
pected places, they had their canoes hidden under the water, 
ever ready for service, and these they propelled with a skill that 
could be admired, but not imitated. They were familiar with 
every part of the shores of the West Branch, and the location 
of the ripples and the eddies, the sunken rocks and the sand 
bars, and the islands where there were hiding places in times of 
pursuit. Like the snake, or the bird, or the fish, they were at 
home in the haunts of nature, and while this was their delight, 
it was the terror of the white people. 

At the time Henry Antes w^as showing his patriotism on 
the Susquehanna, Frederick Antes was elected Colonel of the 
Sixth Battalion, Philadelphia County Associators,, by the com- 
panies from Limerick, Douglas, Marlborough, New Hanover, 
Upper Hanover, and Frederick townships. His commission 
was dated May 6th, 1777. 

The Supreme Executive Council gave the follow^ing order 
on September nth, 1777: "Ordered, that Colonel Heister, 
Correy, Antes, and Dean's respective battalions do imme- 
diately rendezvous at the Swades Ford; Col. Moore and Mc- 
Veagh, at Falls of Schuylkill, and Col. Warner's at Darby. As 
the enemy is near at hand, and this minute engaging our army 
under command of his Excellency, General Washington.'' 

Ridpath says : ''On the 25th of August, the British landed 
at Elk River, in Maryland, and nine days afterward began their 
march toward Philadelphia. After a council of war and some 
clianges in the arrangement of his forces, Washington selected 
the left bank of the Brandywine as his line of defence. The left 
wing of the American army was stationed at Chadd's Ford to 
dispute the passage, while the right wing, under General Sulli- 
van, was extended for three miles up the river. On the nth of 
September, the British reached the opposite bank and began 
l^attle. What seemed to be their principal attack was made by 
the Hessians under Knyphausen, at the Ford : and here Wayne's 
division held the enemy in check. But the onset of Knyp- 


hausen was only a feint to keep the Americans engaged until a 
stronger column of the British, led by Cornwallis and Howe, 
could march up the south bank of the Brandywine and cross at 
a point above the American right. In this way, Sullivan, who 
was not on the alert, allowed himself to be outflanked. Wash- 
ington w^as misled by false information ; the right wing, though 
the men under Lafayette and Stirling fought with great cour- 
age, was crushed in by Cornwallis, and the day was hopelessly- 

During the night the defeated patriots retreated to West- 
chester. Greene brought up the rear in. good order; through his 
efforts, and those of the Commander-in-Chief, the army was saved 
from destruction. The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded 
and missing amounted to fully a thousand men ; that of the Brit- 
ish, to five hundred and eighty-four. The gallant Lafayette 
was severely wounded; Count Pulaski, a brave Pole, who had 
espoused the patriotic cause, so distinguished himself in this en- 
gagement that Congress honored him with the rank of Brigadier, 
and gave him command of the cavalry. On the day after the bat- 
tle Washington continued his retreat to Philadelphia, and then 
took post at Germantown, a few miles miles from the city. Un- 
dismayed by his reverse, he resolved to risk another engagement. 
Accordingly, on the 15th of the month, he recrossed the Schuyl- 
kill and marched towards the British camp. Twenty miles below 
Philadelphia he met Howe at Warren's tavern. For a while the 
two armies manoeuvered, the enemy gaining the better position ; 
then a spirited skirmish ensued and a great battle was imminent. 
But just as the conflict was beginning, a violent tempest of wind 
and rain swept over the field. The combatants were deluged, their 
cartridges soaked, and fighting made impossible. Washington 
recrossed the river and confronted his antagonist, who had march- 
ed down the Schuylkill. Howe turned suddenly about and hur- 
ried up stream along the right bank in the direction of Reading. 
AVashington, fearing for his stores, pressed forward up the left 
bank to Pottstown. But the movement of the British westward 
was only feigned; again Howe wheeled, marched rapidly to the 
ford, above Norristown, crossed the river, and hastened to Phila- 
delphia. When the British saw the fortifications which the mili- 
tia had thrown up at Swedes Ford, they passed on up to Fatland 
Ford, where they crossed. In this the militia had done good 


work. On December 13th, Washington crossed the river with 
his army at Swedes Ford, on the w^ay to Valley Forge. They 
made a bridge by placing wagons together, backed against each 
other, and for lack of boards used fence rails for a flooring. 

It was about this time that General Howe set a price of £200 
on the head of Frederick Antes, which compelled the patriot to 
emigrate to Northumberland, when the tories began to obtain 
power again about Philadelphia, but time has beautified the order 
as a crown of honor to the man who bore it for his country's sake. 

The spectacle of Washington and the American soldiers suf- 
fering privations and want at Valley Forge, during the winter of 
1777, has touched the hearts of their descendants, and evoked 
a tenderness that has thrown into the shade the condition of many 
others of that same time. The fact is, the barefooted soldiers, 
with bleeding feet, were not alone in suffering during that stormy 
and severe winter. 

As soon as it w^as known that the British were ascending the 
Elk river, with the purpose of attacking Philadelphia, the Ameri- 
can Congress and the Assembly of Pennsylvania united to strip 
the city of everything that would contribute to the comfort of the 
British. All manner of provisions were ordered to be transport- 
ed out of the city, and this was being done, even until the British 
troops entered. When Colonel Frederick Antes and his militia, 
and the other officers with their militia, were trying to prevent the 
British from crossing the Schuylkill, the wagons of goods from 
the city were back of them on the way out into the interior. When 
the British entered Philadelphia they found it largely stripped of 
food and fuel, and an army, beside the twenty thousand inhabi- 
tants, to feed. Instead of being a glorious victory for the British, 
it was a tight place they were in, thanks to the wise plans of Gen- 
eral Washington, and those who so ably assisted him. It is true, 
there was gaiety in Philadelphia that winter among the officers 
of the British army and the higher classes of the tories, but there 
was the most awful poverty and want, also, and such want that 
exceeded the suffering at Valley Forge. Women of Philadel- 
pliia went to the outer lines of the Americans and begged to be 
allowed to leave Philadelphia to save themselves from starving. 

General Potter, in charge of the militia numbering six hun- 
dred, scoured the country between the Schuylkill and Chester to 
see that no provisions from that section went into the city. Gen- 


eral Lacy had charge of those above the Schuylkill to see tha 
nothing went to the relief of the besieged. General Lacy wantec 
to entirely depopulate the country about Philadelphia for a dis- 
tance of fifteen miles, to render it absolutely a desert to the in- 
vaders. If any one for a distance of thirty miles about the citj 
was discovered with provisions for the beseiged, he was shot anc 
left in the road with his provisions as an example to deter al 
others. The entire country was continually scoured by the militis 
and the light horse to see that no aid was given the foe. Truly, 
the vengeance of the suffering army at Valley Forge was awful. 
In Philadelphia there was very little silver and gold, even among 
those who were considered wealthy, and the traders who accom- 
panied* the British army refused to accept the paper currency oi 
the State, which was the only money the people had. On the i6th 
of December, 1777, the Quakers in Philadelphia who were loyal- 
ists addressed a letter to the Quakers in Ireland, begging them to 
send food to them. At that time flour was worth three guineas per 
hundred, and ship bread more. Beef and pork and fuel were in 
proportion. Potatoes were sixteen shillings a bushel, beef was 
seven shillings and sixpence a pound. A single chicken was 
worth ten shillings, and even at these prices gold or silver only 
was accepted. This was the glorious victory of the British in 
occupying Philadelphia. 

At this time Colonel Henry Antes was desperately trying to 
hold the extreme frontier on the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
against the Indians. Colonel Frederick Antes was scouring the 
country in the neighborhood of the Scippack to prevent relief 
reaching Philadelphia. His own h6me and land were stripped of 
everything to help the soldiers at Valley Forge. Colonel William 
Antes was busy trying to convert the estates of tories into funds 
for the use of the State, and as Sub-Lieutenant of Philadelphia 
County, keep the soldiers of his district in their places. Henry 
Shoemaker, who was after\yard the father-in-law of Colonel 
Henry Antes' eldest son, was conveying provisions from the back 
country in his great wagons to the relief of the army at Valley 
Forge. William Dewees, the uncle of Colonel Henry Antes, was 
entertaining Washington and his wife in his home at Valley 
Forge. David Rittenhouse,- the second cousin of the Antes 
brothers, was the Treasurer of Pennsylvania, and was doing his 
utmost to solve the difficult financial problem of the day. The 


army had stripped the mills of Dewees and Paul, so that nothing 
was there for anyone to use, and they were too near the British 
lines to be safely operated. At the battle of Germantown the 
American soldiers swarmed about them, and later the visits of the 
Light Horse made it unsafe for anyone to make a harboring place 
of them. The beautiful farms of the Paulings were just across 
the river from Valley Forge, and throughout that entire section 
everything that was raised was placed at the disposal of the army. 
Men then w^illingly made themselves poor that the army might 
live. These men had no sympathy with the infamous cabal that 
was fomented to displace General Washington, but, as they laid 
all upon the altar of their country, they could weep with the Gen- 
eral at the sufferings of the soldiers, and strain their utmost to 
obtain money to render uncalled for the mutiny of those w-ho, 
through the poverty of the government, had not received their 
well-earned pay. Just the year before, Frederick Antes, David 
Rittenhouse and Charles Shoemaker sat together as members of 
the convention that gave to Pennsylvania her Constitution. After 
the war Rittenhouse was State Treasurer a part of the time that 
Frederick Antes was Treasurer of Northumberland county, and 
Colonel Henry Antes was untangling the mixed affairs of the set- 
tlers in Wyoming. Rittenhouse was not only an ardent patriot, 
but was one of the foremost scholars of his day. 




IN MAY, 1777, John Henry Antes was commissioned Lieu- 
tenant Colonel of the Second Battalion of Associators, and 

stationed at the fort he had built as the rallying place for 
the settlers of the western part of the West Branch Valley. 
The fort was on the hill overlooking the entire section of coun- 
try settled by the squatters known as the Fair Play men. Also 
the rendezvous of the lawful settlers on the south side of the 
river and the Nippenose Valley. Meginnes says: "The set- 
tlers were obliged to abandon their rude cabins, their little fields 
of grain, and seek refuge within these enclosures (the stockade 
forts) from the scalping knife of the savage. The women and 
children remained in the forts, whilst the men, in armed com- 
panies, would venture to their fields and houses and cut their 
crops. Those who refused to seek the forts generally paid for 
their rashness with their lives." 

The danger grew more alarming from day to day. One 
fine Sunday morning in June, 1777, Zephaniah Miller, Abel 
Cady, James Armstrong and Isaac Bouser left Antes' Fort with 
two w*omen and crossed the river into the disputed territory 
for the purpose of milking a number of cows that were pasturing 
on that side. When they landed, all the cows were found, but 
the one that wore the bell was heard some distance back in the 
bushes. It did not occur to the party that Indians might be 
lurking in the bushes. They were there, however, and had 
managed to keep this cow back for the purpose of luring the 
party on. Cady, Armstrong and Miller started to secure the 
cow. As soon as they entered the bushes they were fired on by 
the concealed foe, and two of them fell severely wounded. 
Miller and Cady were scalped immediately, but Armstrong, 
who was also injured in the back of the head, succeeded in get- 
ting away. 

As soon as the firing commenced, the women ran with 

A Stockade Fort to protect Settlers from Indians. 


The Weapons of a Frontier Scout 


Bouser and secreted themselves in a rye field. The garrison in 
the fort were alarmed, and rushed forth immediately, regard- 
less of the orders of Colonel Antes, who feared it might be a 
decoy to draw them away from the fort, when it would be as- 
sailed from the other side. * They paid no attention to his or- 
ders, however, and seizing the canoes, crossed the river imme- 
diately to the relief of their comrades. They found Miller and 
Cady where they fell; Cady was not dead. They carried him 
to the river bank where his wife fnet him. On seeing her he 
reached out his hand and immediately expired. He had re- 
cently returned from the army, and was one of the original set- 
tlers on the river. Armstrong was taken over to the fort, 
where he lingered in great agony until Monday night, when he 
expired. A party immediately pursued the Indians, and com- 
ing up with them at a place called the Race Ground, they stood 
and fired, then broke and fled, pursued by the w^hites. They 
ran across what is now the upper part of the town of Jersey 
Shore, and escaped into the swamp. The whites fired upon 
them several times, and probably did some execution, as marks 
of blood were plainly visible where they had apparently dragged 
away their killed and wounded. 

In the winter of the same year three men left Horn's Fort 
and proceeded across the river to the Monseytown flats, above 
Lockport. They were fired upon by a lurking party of Indians 
and one man was killed near Sugar Run. The other two fled 
and were pursued across the ice. One of them, named Dewitt, 
in the hurry of the flight, ran into an air hole. He caught hold 
of the edge of the ice, however, and managed to keep his head 
al)ove water. The Indians were afraid to venture too near. 
Tlicy commenced firing at his head, but watching the flash of 
the gun, he dodged under the water like a duck and eluded the 
ball. Several shots were fired at him, when, thinking he was 
dead, they left. Dewitt, in an exhausted state, vSucceeded in 
crawling from the water on the ice and escaped to the fort. 

The other man, having crossed to the south side of the 
river, was pursued by a single Indian, who gained on him rap- 
idly. He had a gun which was supposed to be worthless, but 
as the Indian neared him he turned and pointed it at him, think- 
ing to intimidate him, but didn't pull the trigger. This he re- 
peated several times, when the savage, thinking it was unload- 


ed, would poiiit his tomahawk at him in derision and exclaim, 
Tooh! Pooh!' The pursuit continued, and the Indian came 
up close, feeling certain of his victim. As a last resort, he in- 
stinctively raised his gun and pulled the trigger, when, to his 
astonishment, it went off, and shot the Indian dead. He es- 
caped to the fort in safety. A party turned out and pursued 
the Indians as far as Youngwoman's Creek. They noticed 
that they had carried and dragged the body of the dead Indian 
all the way with them, from the marks in the snow. 

The next attack made by the Indians in the autumn of 
1777, w^as near Loyalsock Creek, on the families of Brown and 
Benjamin. Daniel Brown settled at a very early period at 
this place. He had two daughters married to two brothers 
named Benjamin. On the alarm of the approaching Indians 
being given, the Benjamins, with their wives and children, took 
refuge at the house of Mr. Brown, and made preparations to 
defend themselves. The enemy came and assaulted the house. 
A brisk resistance was maintained for some time, during which 
an Indian was killed from Benjamin's rifle. Finding they 
could not dislodge them they set the house on fire. The flames 
spread rapidly, and a horrible death stared the inmates in the 
face. What was to be done? Remain inside and be burned, 
or come forth to be dispatched by the tomahawks of the sav- 
ages? Either alternative was a fearful one. 

The Benjamins at length determined to come forth and 
trust themselves to the mercy of the Indians. Brown refused, 
and remained in the burning building with his wife and daugh- 
ter, and was consumed with them, preferring to meet death in 
this way rather than to fall into the hands of the enemy and be 

When the Benjamins with their families came forth one 
of them was carrying his youngest child in his arms. The sav- 
ages received them at the door. A big Indian brandished his 
tomahawk, and with a fiendish yell buried the glittering steel 
in his brain. As he fell forward his wife with a shriek caught 
the little child in her arms. His scalp was immediately torr 
from his head and shook exultingly in her face. The remaindei 
of the survivors were carried into captivity. This bloody mas- 
sacre occurred on what was long known as the Buckley farm 
on Loyalsock. 


About the close of the year the Indians killed a man named 
Saltzman, on the Sinnemahoning. At the same time Daniel 
Jones, who owned what the settlers called the little mill, on a 
stream this side of Farrandsville, was murdered, also another 
man. His wife escaped to the Fort. These settlers had been 
warned to leave, but refused to do so, claiming there was no dan- 
ger. Their lives paid for their incredulity. 

At this time Colonel Cookson Long gathered a company of 
about twenty men, and went up to Youngwoman's creek to look 
for Indians. They suddenly espied a number of warriors on the 
opposite side marching along in single file, painted and dressed in 
w^ar costume. The whites, being undiscovered, concealed them- 
selves. The men were very anxious to select each his man and 
fire uix)n them, but the Colonel refused. There w^ere not more 
than twenty or thirty Indians, and the whites could undoubtedly 
have done good execution. The Colonel remained in his conceal- 
ed position until they had passed, when he returned to the Fort 
and reix)rted that a large body of savages were approaching. 

Notwithstanding the utmost vigilance, a man was tomahawk- 
ed on the 23d of December, 1777, near the mouth of Pine creek; 
and about the ist of July, 1778, another man was killed two 
miles above the Great Island. 

Petitions having been sent to the Council, praying for some 
plan to be devised for the defense of the inhabitants of the valley, 
instructions were forwarded to Colonel Hunter, ordering out the 
fifth class of the militia of the county. On the 14th of January, 
1778, Colonel Hunter writes to President Wharton and informs 
him what orders he had given. Colonel Antes also came down to 
Fort Augusta to consult as to what was best to be done, as parties 
of Indians were constantly prowling around. Three companies 
of Colonel Long's Battalion were ordered to hold themselves in 
readiness at a moment's warning, subject to the order of Colonel 

The party of Indians that murdered the man about the ist 
of January, above Great Island, were eleven in number. They 
were pursued by Antes' command, and as a light snow had fallen, 
were tracked easily. The whites came up with them and succeed- 
ed in killing two. The rest fled and could not be overtaken, 
although followed for a long distance. 

Arms w^ere very scarce. Colonel Hunter informed Presi- 


dent Wharton, on the 28th of March, 1778, that he had endeav- 
ored to purchase some good guns, but could get none. Two rifles 
and sixty ordinary muskets were all the public arms in the county 
at that time. It is supposed, however, that nearly all the settlers 
had weapons of their own. All the guns worth repairing were 
being put in order, and, remarks Colonel Hunter, I have promised 
the gunsmiths their pay for so doing. 

It appears that the fifth class of militia, as they, were called, 
were only to serve two months. As soon as their term expired 
the sixth class were ordered to relieve them. The people com- 
plained that if no troops were stationed above Muncy they would 
be obliged to abandon their settlements and go down the river. 

On the 5th of May Colonel Hunter writes that he could get 
no provisions to buy for them. All that could be obtained was 
some beef and pork that had been purchased by Colonel Hugh 
White for the Continental stores. Of flour, there was a small 
quantity. About this time Colonel John Kelly's battalion was or- 
dered to Penn's Valley to perform duty for two months, where 
Jacob Stanford, his wife and daughter were inhumanly )cilled and 
scalped, and his son, a lad of ten years, carried into captivity. A 
party of Indians having penetrated into Buffalo Valley and secur- 
ed a large amount of plunder, were hotly pursued by Lieutenant 
Moses Van Campen with a party of men. They were so close 
upon them that they were obliged to abandon their ill-gotten booty 
at a large spring back of Jersey Shore. It is stated that several 
valuable articles, such as silver tankards, etc., w^ere recovered at 
this place by the pursuing party. 

In May, the 6th and 7th classes of Colonel Long's battalion 
were ordered to be consolidated by Colonel Hunter and scout 
along the frontier until the sixth and seventh classes of Colonel 
Murray's and Hosterman's battalions should arrive at the Great 
Island to cover the frontier there. 

Colonel Hunter writes to Mr. Wharton, President of the 
Council, under date of May 14th, 1778, as follows concerning 
these detachments : "These last classes would have marched be- 
fore this time only for want of provisions ; as for meat, there is 
very little to be had in this County, and that very dear: Bacon 
sells at 4s 6d @ pound, and flour at three pounds ten shillings @ 
Hundred wt. I have ordered some people that lives nigh the 
Great Island to preserve Shad and Barrel them up for the use of 


the Militia that will be stationed there this summer. Colonel 
William Cooke will undertake to provide Provisions for the Mili- 
tia of this County, in case he was supplied with Cash at this pres- 
ent time, as he would go to some other County to purchase some 
meat, for I am certain it will be very much wanted in case the 
Savages Commence a war with the frontiers, all must turn out to 
prevent, if possible, such a Cruel Enemy from Makeing inroads 
into our part of the country. We are scarce of Guns, not more 
than one-half of the Militia is provided with Arms, and a number 
of them Very Ordinary ; Our Powder is Exceeding Bad, and not 
fit for Rifles in any shape. And as for Flints, we can get none 
to Buy ; All this I think proper to acquaint the Council with, &c." 

On the 1 6th of May, near the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, 
three men, who were at work putting in a small field of corn, were 
attacked by a party of Indians, killed and scalped. Two days 
following, near Pine creek, a man, woman and child were taken 
prisoners, probably by the same party, and carried off. On the 
20th of the same month, two men and seven women and children 
wxre taken from one house, near Lycoming creek. They were all 
carried away as prisoners. About the same time three families, 
consisting of sixteen in number, were killed and carried away from 
Loyalsock. A party that wxnt up from Wallis' only found two 
dead bodies, from which they supposed the remainder were taken 
prisoners. Their houses were all reduced to ashes. About this 
time Andrew^ Armstrong, who settled at the big spring below 
where Linden now stands, was visited by a party of Indians. 
They came very suddenly. On the alarm being given, Mrs. Arm- 
strong, who was enciente, slipped under the bed. The Indians 
entered the house, and seizing Armstrong, his little son and a 
woman named Nancy Bundy, made preparations to carry them 
away. Armstrong told his wife to lie still, which she did, and 
escaped. They were in a great hurry on account of a small body of 
men being stationed a short distance below, and did not take time 
to fire the building. They turned up the creek with their pris- 
oners. Mrs. Armstrong craw^led from her hiding place, and look- 
ing out of the window, beheld her husband and little son disappear 
in the forest with them. 

About this time four men, Robert Fleming, Robert Donald- 
son. James McMichael and John Hamilton, started down the river 
from Horn's to Antes' Fort in canoes to arrange for crafts to 


transport their families and effects down the river. Having en- 
gaged a flat, they started on their return, and had passed through 
the Pine creek ripples, when they pushed over to the south side 
of the river to rest and wait for their comrades, w^ho were follow- 
ing with the flat. As they wxre about to land they were suddenly- 
fired on by a small party of Indians concealed on the shore. Don- 
aldson jumped out of the canoe, fired, and cried to the others, 
"Come on, boys!'' Hamilton saw the Indians rise from behind 
a small bluff, and at the same time noticed the blood spurting from 
Donaldson's back as he was trying to reload his gun. Hamilton 
immediately gave his canoe a shove from the shore, jumped in, 
fell flat on the bottom, and then, by a sudden whirl of his body, 
landed in the water, and holding the canoe with one hand between 
himself and the Indians, he paddled across the river with the other 
hand. Several bullets flew around him, but he escaped unharmed. 
When he landed his woolen clothes were so heavy from being 
saturated with water that his progress was greatly impeded. He 
therefore stripped himself of everything but his shirt and started 
on a run up the river. His route was by a path which led through 
the Gallagher and Cook farms, which were then grown up wnth 
bushes. He ran for life, and at the flutter of a bird or other noise, 
he would clear the brush at every bound. In this way he ran for 
nearly three miles, until he came opposite Horn's Fort, which was 
on the south side of the river, when he was discovered and taken 

The men in the flat pushed over, landed and crossed Pine 
creek a short distance above the mouth, and hurried up the river 
to the main party at Horn's. James Jackson, who was with the 
party on the flat, found a horse pasturing on the Pine creek clear- 
ing, which he caught, mounted, and rode to the settlement above. 

After the excitement of this tragic affair had subsided a party 
started down the river and secured the dead lx)dies of Donaldson, 
McMichael and Fleming, which they carried to x\ntes Fort, and 
buried them in the little cemetery which had been started on the 
hill, near the Fort. John Hamilton was only about sixteen years 
of age. His escape and flight were regarded as little less than 

The same day this bloody affair occurred a party of men were 
driving a lot of cattle down the river from above the Great Island. 
Crossing the plains near where Liberty now stands, they were 


fired upon by a party of Indians. The whites immediately re- 
turned the fire, when an Indian was observed to fall, and was car- 
ried off. A man named Samuel Fleming was shot through the 
shoulder. The Indians fled very precipitately and abandoned a 
big lot of plunder, consisting largely of blankets, which fell into 
the hands of the whites. 

Between Lycoming creek and Antes' Fort there was no pro- 
tection for the settlers. Some brave spirits, among whom were 
William King, Robert Covenhoven and James Armstrong, were 
engaged in building a stockade enclosure, at Lycoming, formed 
of logs eight or ten feet in length, planted in the ground side by 
side, with the tops leaning outward, so as not to be easily scaled. 
It covered perhaps half an acre, and was located near what is now 
Fourth and Stevens streets, Williamsport. 

The rumors of a descent by the tories and the Indians on the 
North Branch had aroused a fear for the safety of Northumber- 
land, and some of the settlers thought their families would be 
safer in the new stockade than below; so they went down to 
Northumberland, loaded up their goods and started back for the 
new refuge. They requested Mrs. King to accompany them, but 
she did not wish to disobey her husband's orders, and refused. 
Finally they overcame her scruples by showing her that he would 
have to travel all the way down in a canoe for her and the chil- 
dren and take them up the river alone, which would expose them 
to much more danger than would befall a party traveling together. 
The long, tedious, rough ride up the river passed drearily until 
towards the evening of the second or third day, when the man in 
charge of the team said : "Here is the last stream we will cross 
before reaching the Fort, and we will stop and water.'* The 
horses had no sooner halted than unerring rifles cracked and the 
utmost confusion at once ensued. 

The following graphic account of the terrible massacre that 
followed is given in a letter by Colonel Hosterman to Colonel 
Winter, from Fort Muncy, June loth, 1778: On this day Colonel 
Hosterman, Captain Reynolds and thirteen men set out for Antes' 
mill with ammunition for that place and Big Island. The same 
day Peter Smith, his wife and six children ; William King's wife 
and two children; Michael Smith, Michael Campbell and David 
Chambers, belonging to Captain Reynold's .company, and Snod- 
grass and Hammond, being six men, two women and eight chil- 



dren, were going with a wagon to Lycoming. When they reach- 
ed Loyalsock, John Harris met them and said he had heard firing 
up the creek and desired them to return, as to go forward was 
dangerous. But Peter Smith said that firing would not stop 
them. Harris then proceeded to Fort Muncy, and Smith anc 
party continued up the river. Upon Harris' information a part) 
of fifteen started from the Fort in the direction of where the firing 
had been heard. When Smith with his party and wagon had got 
within half a mile of Lycoming creek the Indians fired on them 
and at the first fire Snodgrass fell dead, being shot through the 
temple. The Indians first fired two guns, when they gave a yell 
and ran towards the wagon. The men with the wagon, who did 
not see the Indians until they fired and approached them, immed- 
iately took to trees and returned the fire. A little boy and a girl 
made off at this time and escaped. The Indians closed in on the 
party and tried to surround them. This caused all the men to flee 
as fast as possible but Campbell, who was last seen fighting at close 
quarters with his rifle, and an Indian gun was afterwards found 
on the spot broken to pieces. Before they were out of sight oi 
the wagon they saw the Indians attacking the women and chil- 
dren with their tomahawks. The number of Indians Chambers 
thought to be about twenty. 

This bloody affair began just before sundown. The boy 
who escaped pushed on to Lycoming Creek and informed the 
men there what had happened. They started immediately, 
but mistaking the intelligence the boy gave, went to the river 
to the place where they lived, thinking that it was the canoe that 
was attacked. In the meantime. Captain Hepburn, with the 
party that had started from Fort Muncy, came up and found 
the dead bodies of Snodgrass and another man, but it being 
dark, they could not distinguish who they were. They contin- 
ued on to Lycoming, where they met the other party, and wait- 
ed until the next day, as it was too late to do anything that 

On the morning of June nth, they returned and found the 
bodies of the following persons: Peter Smith's wife, shot 
through and stabbed, scalped, anri a knife left by her side : Wil- 
liam King's wife, tomahawked and scalped. vShe had dragged 
herself near the stream, and rested with her hand under her 
head, with her brains oozing through her fingers ; she leaned on 

Escape of William King. 


her husband when he came to her, but expired almost imme- 
diately. She was conscious when they came, but could not 
speak. A little girl was killed and scalped — also a little boy. 
Snodgrass was found shot through the head, tomahawked and 
scalped. Campbell was shot in the back, tomahawked, stab- 
bed, scalped and a knife left sticking in his body. They had 
taken his rifle, but nothing was removed from the wagon but a 
few trifling articles. 

This bloody afifair took place at the point where West 
Fourth street, Williamsport, crosses the stream which flows 
down Cemetery street. The road was merely a widening out of 
the old Indian trail, and was cut through a thicket of wild plums 
here ; the boughs with the leaves dried upon them being thrown 
into the bushes formed a safe place for the concealment of lurk- 
ing savages. 

In September, nearly three months after this massacre, 
William Winters came up from Berks county with several men 
to cut hay in a meadow near the mouth of Lycoming Creek, for 
the purpose of feeding the cattle he proposed to bring up late in 
the fall. While William Winters, who led the party, was pre- 
paring dinner at the cabin he had previously built near the cor- 
ner of the present Third and Rose streets, William King and 
others stood their guns against a tree and started in to cut the 
grass. They had got but two and a half swaths cut, when the 
Indians, who had stealthily crept around between them and 
their arms, opened fire upon the party, killing three or four at 
the first round. King quickly ran to the river and swam to the 
opposite shore, dodging under the water whenever the Indians 
fired. One man dropped in the grass and lay concealed until 
dark, when he made his way to the river, raised one of the sunk- 
en canoes, and quietly paddled to Northumberland, where he 
reported that all had been killed but himself. While he was re- 
lating his sorrowful tale, and the families of the unfortunates 
were bewailing their loss. King suddenly stepped among them 
in an almost nude condition, having torn his clothing from his 
body in his rapid flight over the mountains and through the 
bushes. Winters, and those who were with him, on hearing 
the firing, concealed themselves until the Indians had departed, 
when they went to where their comrades had been killed, gath- 
ered their bodies together, and covered them with freshly mown 


hay, and then hurried down the river. In the following spring 
they returned to bury them. They were buried on the site of 
an old Indian burying ground near where the previous massa- 
cre had taken place in the plum tree thicket. 

Andrew Fleming settled on Pine Creek, in the vicinity of 
w^here Matthew McKinney's house stands. On Christmas Day, 
1778, he took down his rifle and observed to his wife that he 
would go and kill a deer. He started up the ravine and had 
not been gone long before the report of a gun was heard. The 
day wore away and he did not return. His wife became alarm- 
ed at his protracted absence, and feared that evil might have be- 
fallen him. Proceeding up the ravine to look for him, she sud- 
denly perceived three savages skulking in the bushes and her 
worst suspicions were at once aroused. Returning, hastily, 
she gave the alarm, and a number of neighbors collected and 
proceeded to search for her husband. They had gone but a 
short distance when they came to his dead body. Three balls 
had passed through him, one having entered his eye ; the scalp 
was removed. 

The danger soon became so great that a panic seized the 
inhabitants, and nearly all of them about Muncy fled to Brady's 
Fort. Those above and up to Lycoming Creek took refuge at 
Wallis'. All above Lycoming and Pine Creeks were at Antes' 
and Horn's Forts. The inhabitants of Penn's Valley gathered 
at Potter's Fort. Those below Muncy hill to Chillisquaque, 
were assembled at Freeland's and Boone's Forts and Sunbury. 
Those in White Deer and Buffalo Valleys fled to the river and 
fortified themselves at various points. This took place in the 
summer of 1778. Colonel Hunter, in a letter to John Ham- 
bright, says that it was very distressing to see the poor settlers 
flying and leaving their homes. The immigrants from New 
Jersey, who had come that spring and winter, set off again as 
rapidly as they could travel to their old homes. Colonel Hep- 
burn, afterwards Judge Hepburn, was stationed for awhile at 
Muncy Fort and commanded it. Colonel Hosterman, Captain 
Reynolds, Captain Berry and others were sent up soon after to 
assist in protecting the frontier. 

On the intelligence of the barbarities already described 
reaching Colonel Hunter, at Fort Augusta, he became greatly 
alarmed for the safety of those who remained above Fort Muncy 


and sent word to Colonel Hepburn to order them to abandon 
the country and retire below. He did this, he claimed, because 
there was not a sufficiency of troops to guard the whole fron- 
tier, and Congress had taken no action to furnish him with men 
and supplies. Colonel Hepburn had some trouble to get a 
messenger to carry the order up to Colonel Antes, so panic- 
stricken were the people on account of the ravages of the In- 
dians. At length Robert Covenhoven and a young millwright 
in the employ of Andrew Culbertson volunteered their services, 
and started on the dangerous mission. They crossed the river, 
ascended Bald Eagle Mountain, and kept along the summit till 
they came to the gap opposite Antes' Fort. They then cau- 
tiously descended at the .head of Nippenose Bottom and pro- 
ceeded to the fort. It was in the evening, and as they neared the 
fort the report of a rifle rang upon their ears. A girl had gone 
outside to milk a cow, and an Indian lying in ambush fired on 
her. The ball fortunately passed through her clothes, and she 
escaped unharmed. 

The coming of these messengers was sufficient to complete 
the fright of the people. There w^as an uncertainty as to the 
number of the Indians. They did not know^ but that the entire 
force of the Iroquois w^as scattered through the w^oods, on the 
mountains and along the river. 

The brave messengers delivered the command from Col- 
onel Hunter, that all persons should evacuate within a week, 
thus showing the extreme fear of those in command at the cen- 
tral point of refuge. The messengers again took to the moun- 
tains and passed up to Horn's Fort, w^here they delivered the 
same message. 

There was no delay on the part of the settlers in obeying 
orders. They hastily selected from their goods what could be 
carried and packed it into portable bundles, and buried in the 
ground other valuable things that they could not take with 
them. Then they gathered along the river and the flight be- 
gan. Every sort of floating vessel they possessed was used to 
transport them. The women, children, animals, poultry, bed- 
ding, cooking utensils, spinning wheels, keepsakes, clothing, 
&c., were placed on the boats for security against the devastat- 
ing foe. There w^ere flat boats, batteaux, canoes, rafts, pig 
troughs — all moving in a flotilla that represented the resources 


and the mechanical skill of all the settlements on the West 

The men formed into two columns and marched down the 
banks of. the river abreast of the flotilla to prevent any attack 
from savages lurking in the forests. Considering the ignorance 
of the numbers or proximity of the Indians, the courage of 
these men was worthy of all praise. To realize the extent of 
it one needs to look at the map of the river and note the topog- 
raphy, showing the streams that had to be waded, and the 
swamps to be passed, and the lagoons to be swum, and the 
mountain spurs to be climbed. It was a hard journey, requir- 
ing attention to their footsteps as well as to the lurking places 
that might conceal a foe. 

As the flotilla passed down the river and came to shoals 
and ripples, the women jumped out of the boats into the w^ater 
and with their shoulders pushed their crafts into the current 
again. In this way they went down the river and at night saw 
the flames of their burning homes lighting the skies back of 
them and cutting oflf all hopes of soon returning to find things 
as they had been. But tears and grief w-ere of no avail; they 
were all suffering alike ; it w^as the destruction of the valley. Cov- 
enhoven, the messenger who had w^arned the others, got his 
own family and bedding in his boat and was proceeding down 
the river just below Fort Menninger when he saw a woman on 
the shore fleeing from an Indian. She jumped down the river 
bank and fell. The Indian, in a second, was at her side, and as 
quick as thought grasped her hair and lifted her scalp. He did 
not tarry to strike her, but leaped back into the shelter of the 
bushes and escaped. Some men from the fort found her and 
carried her to safety. It was Mrs. Durham. She lived after 
this event near Warrior's Run for seventy years, dying in 1848. 

The entire flotilla reached Fort Augusta in safety. Here 
they found that Colonel Hunter and others had sent their fam- 
ilies farther down the river for safety, and were themselves ready 
to flee if the danger increased. Many of the settlers did not 
unload their boats, but continued down the river until they 
came into the more thickly populated counties and beyond the 
reach of Indian alarms. One such scare w^as enough for their 
lifetime. The others made the best arrangement of their goods 
that was possible and waited until relief should come. 


There were some Indians who were friendly to the whites. 
The various tribes did not always agree, and there was consid- 
erable internecine rivalry among them. There was one In- 
dian who had always been the friend of the white men, and at 
these times proved himself to be especially useful. For more 
than twenty years Job Chilloway had served the white men as 
a scout. In 1759, the Provincial authorities employed him as 
a spy and guide. He served, during this fearful time of alarms, 
the various officers of the colonial cause. He w^ent with Col- 
onel Potter's regiment to the front, and was in the battle at Red 
Bank. He returned to his favorite haunts along the Susque- 
hanna, and w^as with Colonel Kelly, at Great Island. He loiter- 
ed about his favorite hunting grounds in Nippenose Valley, and 
was under the immediate attention of Colonel Antes. All the 
settlers knew him and fully trusted him as a true friend and 
faithful w^atchman. The red face of Job Chilloway never 
brought fear to the unprotected cabin of a white man. Wo- 
men and children alike welcomed him, for he was a safeguard. 

Job was thoroughly loyal to Colonel Antes. He kept well 
informed of the movements of the Indians, and in time apprised 
his patron so that he was saved from many an ambush or sud- 
den attack. He knew the woods thoroughly, and while the sol- 
diers were guarding the stockades he rambled hither and thither 
fearlessly and contentedly. On one occasion, w^hen Job came 
into the fort, he appeared to be very greatly amused and laugh- 
ed heartily. As there did not seem to be any cause for this, 
Colonel Antes asked him w^hy he was so merry. At first he 
would not tell, but upon frequent solicitation, told the cause, 
which was this: As he w^as loitering in the woods, near the 
fort, he discovered that the sentinel placed to watch the woods 
was leaning against a tree asleep. Job stealthily slipped about 
the tree and seized the man. Suddenly awakened and finding 
himself in the grasp of an Indian, the soldier was greatly scared. 
He struggled hard to get loose, but the tall muscular Indian 
held him firmly. At length Job revealed himself, and the sen- 
tinel begged him not to tell Colonel Antes. Job rebuked him 
for his neglect of duty and said, "You might have been killed 
and scalped." 

"Yes," replied the sentinel, "I might have been caught by 


an Indian, and killed, and scalped, before I had known anything 
about it/' 

"It was an Indian that caught you,'* replied Job, with a 
grin, **but you may thank God he was your friend/' 

Job would not tell the Colonel who it was that gave him 
cause for amusement, but said that if he would watch the coun- 
tenances of the soldiers when parading he would learn who it 

Colonel Antes drew the men up on parade, and closely 
scrutinized the faces of them all. The guilty man was unable 
to conceal his apprehensions and freely confessed the whole af- 
fair to his commander. The Colonel did not punish him, but 
warned him as to the results of such dereliction of duty. 

Job Chilloway had a cabin in Nippenose Valley, which he 
made his home when hunting. He had lived so much among the 
white people that he adopted their manner of building a perma- 
nent home, instead of merely a bower of tree branches or the trou- 
blesome pharaphernalia of a wigwam to carry about with him. 
This cabin was of the most simple kind, and was only a hunter's 
lodge, but it served his purpose well and was a place that he could 
call home. The hunting facilities of the valley were peculiarly 
favorable. The valley at one time had been a lake, until the ris- 
ing streams burst through the mountains and formed the outlet, 
the creek that ran by the home of Antes. The bed of the valley 
never was covered with trees, as were the mountains all about it, 
but with grass and bushes, such as formed a favorable lair for 
wild animals. In this the panther could hide securely. Along 
the creek by the entrance to the valley here was a safe harboring 
resort for bears, while the deer could graze in the grass and grow 
iat. All the smaller game also could here resort, and by the skill 
that nature gave them, hide from each other and fight out the 
question of an existence. While it was a specially favorable spot 
for them to feed in, there were so many antagonisms amongst 
themselves that the dangers were increased in proportion. Job's 
cabin was far enough away from the white people for him to feel 
free from their interference in the peculiar habits of his race. 
When he wanted them he could easily go to them, but the Indian 
had his own life as an Indian, which demanded expression in its 
own way. 

Chilloway had a wife whom the white people called Betsy, who 

Betsy Chilloway. 


was a good representative of the Indian character. In the Indian 
customs the wife lived with her husband only so long as she chose 
to do so. If he neglected her, or abused her, or became disagree- 
able to her, she left him, and either lived alone or secured another 
husband more to her liking. This was according to their code of 
morals, and as it was a disgrace- for a man to lose his wife, it led 
the men to be kind and loving and provident. There was a great 
deal of domestic felicity among the Indians, and also life long 
companionship, but it was more a matter of choice and affinity 
than social compulsion. 

Betsy Chilloway was a handsome young squaw who had been 
praised so often that she realized her charms and made them the 
means of securing favors in which she delighted. She loved the 
wildwoods life as a true Indian, and the hunting cabin was her 
favorite place. Here, with the companionship of her husband 
alone, she dressed the skins of the animals he killed and feasted 
on the products of nature. In the hot ashes on the bed of stones 
before the cabin she could bake the most delicious com cake and 
roast the birds, or the fish, or the rabbits, as they were brought to 
her door. The creek near by was the home of the most delicious 
trout that could be found in all the streams of the mountain. 
There were great quantities of them there, and they grew to a 
large size. Thus no one had better or more delicious living than 
this Indian family in their forest home. The cabin was made 
warm by the abundance of the furs or skins which they were ac- 
cumulating all the time. Betsy had her traps for the smaller and 
more highly prized skins, and these she carried on her trips to 
exchange for the trinkets with which she adorned her person. In 
the warm mornings of the early autumn, when she had taken her 
bath in the clear water of the deep stream, and had thrown around 
her a deer skin of softest texture, and had put her ornaments of 
colored glass around her neck and hanging over her bared bosom, 
while her black hair, shaken out lightly, was falling over her shoul- 
ders, with arms and legs bare, and a bright smile of health and 
joy on her face, she was a realization of grace and loveliness that 
would have captivated any one of the old Greek artists. She 
knew that she was beautiful, and as her husband grunted his ap- 
proval she felt the happiness that comes from the innocent enjoy- 
ment of the charms with which nature had endowed her. If the 
white man had never come near with his temptations and allure- 



ments this happiness would have continued, and the children of 
nature would have enjoyed the blessing of simple existence to the 
length of their days. 

Out of this Eden of purity and joy, Betsy rambled until she 
came to the cities of men. She could manage her own canoe, and 
bidding her husband farewell and leaving him to take care of him- 
self and ramble as he chose, she floated down the river with her 
bundle of skins and medicinal roots and strange mountain herbs to 
enjoy the praise of the white men and to get from them more orna- 
ments. To her there was a strange charm in touching the life of a 
city. The elegance of the dress of the fashionable ladies of Phila- 
delphia charmed her, and she loved to watch the expression of their 
faces as they dickered with her. She became well known to many 
of them, and they took her into their parlors and showed her their 
pretty things and awoke the spirit of envy in her heart. She 
seemed to be but a simple child of the forest. But Betsy was not 
the innocent child they supposed. She loved her own people. She 
loved the freedom and freshness of the forest. She loved to catch 
the fish in the warbling brook, and snatch from the trap the lynx, 
or otter, or fox. She loved to stand over the deer that had been 
brought down by her own hand and see the stream of blood flow 
from its throat as she plunged the knife deep into it. She loved to 
put her dainty little foot on the neck of the panther as its eyes were 
glazed in death when she had out-generaled it, and enticed it to its 
doom. She loved to recount her adventures to the more peace- 
ful Indian women camping in Philadelphia, or Bethlehem, and 
hear their words of praise. But above all she delighted in the 
praise of the warriors of her own tribe as they looked approvingly 
at her, and she knew in her heart they would be willing to do 
anything for her if she would only remain in their wigwams. 
Then she felt a spirit of hatred for the whites enter her heart, and 
the spirit of jealousy, because her own husband seemed to love the 
white people more than those of his own race. Then she became 
as treacherous as the panther she had slain. She did not like the 
Moravians overmuch. Their system of morality was too rigid 
and exacting for her. She enjoyed doing as she pleased and be- 
ing answerable to no one. She was as free as the birds in the 
trees, or the fish in the streams, and as unconfined as the wind that 
waved the leaves of the forest. Hence, out of the cities of the 
w^hite people, she fled back to her forest cabin to look at herself 


in the mirror of the mountain spring, and to prove her freedom 
by spending days rambling whither her fancy led, supplying her- 
self with food by her bow^ and arrows, or her quickly improvised 
traps, then resting on thick beds of moss, feeling that in all the 
range of mountains and woods there was nothing for her to fear, 
for it was her freedom and her home. When she felt like it she 
returned to the side of Chilloway, and then cooked his meals and 
helped dress his furs and deer skins. 

When the war broke over the land and the Indian tribes 
threatened the extinction of the settlements, Chilloway remained 
true to the white people. He went to the Delaware wnth Colonel 
Potter's riflemen, and was in the height of his glory in the battle 
of Red Bank. Then he came home and served as a faithful scout 
for Colonel Kelly and Colonel Antes, and was as eyes for them 
in the desperately waged intrigues for life and home. But Betsy 
did not agree with her husband, and as Delilah of old, she sought 
from him what he knew, and then rambled to the chiefs of her 
race and gave them the news. She would rather have the scalps 
of the fairest dames and maids of Philadelphia hanging at her 
girdle than all the highly colored ornaments they could give her. 
These city lacjies w^ould have been utterly appalled if they could 
have looked within the passionate heart of the demure Indian 
beauty and have seen there the seething caldron of hate and thirst 
for blood that filled every part of her being. At length she ceas- 
ed the double life she was living, and left her husband to go and 
live entirely with her own people. She would have a husband 
with a heart that was free from friendship for the white race. 
Thus she passed out of the valley and into the distant west, and 
the streams where she had fished, and the woods where she had 
hunted, knew her no more. 

When the war was over and the white men began to come 
into the hunting grounds by the cabin of the lonely Indian, Chil- 
loway went down to the Indiana and there built another cabin. 
But the charm of life was gone, and about the beginning of the 
new century some hunters found him lying dead in his cabin, 
alone. This was the penalty he had to pay for being true to the 
white people. No one but those acquainted with the strength of 
affection in the heart of an Indian can realize how great, to him, 
was the sacrifice. 



AFTER THE Big Runaway, Colonel Hunter sent an appeal 
to the Executive Council of the State for assistance, and in 
response Colonel Broadhead hurried up the river to Fort 
Muncy and took possession of the deserted country. The pres- 
ence of an armed force encouraged many of the settlers to return 
and gather their harvests. Samuel Wallis, whose house stood 
within a few hundred yards of the Fort, returned with Colonel 
Broadhead to look after his crops on the Muncy farm. He wrote 
to Colonel Matlack, on the 24th of July, and complained bitterly 
of the conduct of Colonel Hunter in causing the panic and flight 
from the valley. He stated that Hunter, on hearing of the massa- 
cre at Wyoming, became so much alarmed that he ordered all the 
troops off the West Branch. This order resulted in the Big Run- 
away, as all the inhabitants became panic stricken immediately, 
abandoned their homes and fled. Wallis says that when he reach- 
ed Sunbury with his family, he found that Hunter had removed 
his family and effects from Fort Augusta to a point further down 
the river, and was ready to fly himself at the slightest alarm. 
And had it not been for the arrival of Colonel Broadhead, Wallis 
w^as of the opinion that not ten families would have remained in 
the country. He was exceedingly anxious to have a few regular 
troops sent up the river, as he reposed but little confidence in the 
militia. Concerning them he wrote as follows : ''Such confusion 
has already happened by trusting to the militia here that I can and 
do declare for myself that I will not stay a single moment longer 
than I can help after being assured that we are to be protected by 
them only. We were amused some time ago by a resolve of Con- 
gress for raising one hundred six months men in this county, and 
Colonel Hunter was pleased to assure the Council that the men 
would be readily raised, when he, at the same time, knew and was 
pleased to declare, in private conversation, that it was impossible 


to raise one hundred men amongst people so much confused and 
alarmed. This kind of conduct from Colonel Hunter, as well as 
a number of other leading men, has brought us to the pass you 
now find us, and unless some speedy interposition in our behalf, I 
do again, with great confidence, assure you that we shall be no 
longer a people in this county, and when the matter will end God 
only knows. 

The loss to the country by the Big Runaway was estimated 
to be £40,000. 

The heroism of the women of the frontier is worthy of the 
finest strains of the poet's praise. They were worthy of the brav- 
est men that ever shouldered a rifle for the defence of their house- 
holds. They performed such deeds as belong to the history of 
the noblest race. In three short years they were plunged from 
comfortable homes and prosperous seasons to the depths of desola- 
tion and ruin. The awful burden began to be laid on them when 
their expert riflemen went to Boston to aid the cause of Massachu- 
setts in the rising against the oppressions of England. The 
greater number of those who thus went away left their bones to 
bleach on the various battlefields of the Revolution. Then, when 
the Indian alarms were sounded, there was the necessity for every 
man to shoulder his rifle and be a guardsman for the valley ; this 
took them away from their homes, except as for a few hours they 
returned to see their wives and little ones, and then hurry away 
to the post of duty. All this time the larder was shriveling and 
the prospect growing gloomier. 

In February, 1777, the Council of Safety for the county 
found it necessary to order that, **no stiller in Bald Eagle township 
shall buy any more grain, or still any more than he has by him 
during the season.'' This shows the scarcity of food, for men 
will demiand drink, though all else fail. This prohibitory law re- 
veals the keen distress of the people. In May, 1778, Colonel 
Hunter writes to the President of the State in regard to the 
marching of certain classes of troops as follows : '*These last 
classes would have marched before this only for want of provis- 
ions ; as for meat there is very little to be had in this county, and 
that very dear. Bacon sells at 4s 6d @ pound, and flour at three 
pounds, ten shillings @ Hundred wt. We are scarce of Guns, 
not more than one-half the militia is provided with arms, and a 
number of them very ordinary. Our powder is exceeding bad. 


and not fit for rifles in any shape. And as for flints, we can get 
none to buy." * * ♦ This reveals the difficulty the settlers 
had in meeting the foe. Oftentimes the only use they could make 
pf their rifles was to use them as clubs, and this was a poor weapon 
against the bow and arrow of the Indian, or the skillful throwing 
of the tomahawk, and yet these brave men did the best they could 
and died bravely battling for their own. 

In many cabins there was a household experience similar 
to that which prevailed in the Antes home. In January of 1777, 
their son William was born. The baby was only six months 
old when the first murder by the Indians w^as perpetrated just 
across the river from the fort, and brought distress to the 
hearts of them all. Miller, Cady and Armstrong were killed, 
and their bodies formed the beginning of the graveyard that is 
still there on the top of the hill, and at that time just outside the 
walls of the fort, on a spot of ground overlooking the field on 
which they fell. In December following, one of the white men 
on Pine Creek, just in sight of the fort, was killed by the Indians 
and at the same time the little girl, Anna Maria, scarcely three 
years old, died within the stockade, and was laid away by the 
side of the slaughtered men, and thus marked this spot as the 
Antes burial ground for generations. 

As the need of ammunition grew faster than the ability of 
the government to supply it, the settlers took the leaden weights 
from their clocks and melted them for bullets. The silent faces 
of these clocks told a pathetic story, and forecasted the silence 
that would brood over that entire valley for awhile. But the 
women never faltered. When the men were called away to 
stand as defenders, the women took down the sickles and wxnt 
out into the fields and cut the grain, and threshed it, and made 
their own flour. They gathered the apples and the nuts, and 
stowed away the corn and hay for the cattle. They housed the 
stock, and tended them, and kept the place as if they were men. 
They learned practically something of the way the Indian wo- 
men lived, and they did not hesitate, because they were the chil- 
dren of a different civilization. They did all that could be done 
to keep their homes and their little ones. In the valley, at this 
time, there were neither clergymen nor physicians: the house- 
wife had all of it in her own hands. But they were brave and 
faced all these troubles with fortitude. They never gave up 


until the command came from Colonel Hunter, at Fort Augus- 
ta, to abandon every thing and flee to the fort for life. Then 
they gathered what they could into their canoes, and on rafts, 
and in a body left the valley to the fury of the savages. What 
the results would have been to the inhabitants of the West 
Branch if they had not all left and fled, can be surmised from the 
next step of the Indians. While the Indians loved plunder and 
desolation, they were more eager for scalps than for all else. 
Hence when the people were gone, they had. no sufficient in- 
centive to remain, particularly since there were other places in 
which the people yet remained. 

Immediately, the Indians left the West Branch and con- 
centrated for an attack upon the settlements in the Wyoming 
Valley, where the Connecticut people had come in great num- 
bers. Out of the Wyoming district a thousand men had gone 
to help fight the battles for the liberties of the country. At 
home there were left the aged, the children, and the disloyal 
Tories. One of the forts was garrisoned by Tories, w^ho has- 
tened to make common cause with the invading Indians. On 
the third of July the battle began, which ended in the most cruel 
and bloodthirsty massacre that had yet been known. A thou- 
sand homes were made desolate, and three hundred persons 
were either killed or taken prisoners. Such would have been 
the fate of the people on the West Branch if they had remained. 
When the news of this terrible calamity reached Fort Augusta, 
there was a panic that led many of the people to at once remove 
down the river to Paxtang and Donegal. Colonel Hunter, 
even, w^as greatly alarmed, and sent his family down the river 
and prepared to follow at a moment's notice. There were 
some men whose money w'as invested in lands, and who would 
be utterly ruined by giving up the valley to the enemy, who 
complained about the orders and fears of Colonel Hunter. But 
he had not a sufficiency of troops to stand an attack from a vic- 
torious foe, as the Indians on the North Branch, and the uncer- 
tainties of the Indian campaign had thus far proved that all was 
guesswork as to their numbers and nearness. There came the 
story of horrible cruelty and thirst for blood from every point 
on the frontier. It was not a time to dally with suppositions, 
but to preserve the lives of the people, if possible. On the T2t'h 
of July, Colonel Hunter sent the following appeal for aid, which 


truly presents the terrible condition of the portion of the fron 

tier that was under his charge. 

"To His Excellency, the President and the Honorable the Ex 

ecutive Council of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 

"The calamities so long dreaded, and of which ye hav< 
been more than once informed, must fall upon this county if noi 
assisted by Continental troop, or the militia of the neighboring 
counties, now appear with all the horrors attendant on an In- 
dian war ; at this date the towns of Sunbury and Northumber- 
land, on the frontiers, where a few virtuous inhabitants and fugi- 
tives seem determined to stand, though doubtful whether to- 
morrow's sun will rise on them, freemen, captives or in eternity 
Yet, relying on that being who never forsakes the virtuous, and 
the timely assistance of the government which they have w^ith 
zeal and vigor endeavored to support, they say they will remair 
so long as they can without incurring the censure of suicide. 
The carnage at Wyoming, the devastations and murders on the 
West Branch of Susquehanna, on Bald Eagle Creek, and, in 
short, throughout the w^hole county, to within a few miles oi 
these towns, (the recital of which must be shocking) I suppose 
must have before now reached your ears ; if not, you may figure 
yourselves men, women and children butchered and scalped, 
many of them after being promised quarter, and some scalped 
alive, of which we have miserable instances among us ; people 
in crowds driven from their farms and habitations, many of 
whom have not money enough to purchase one day's provisions 
for their families, which must and has already obliged many of 
them to plunder and lay waste the farms as they pass along. 
These calamities must, if not speedily remedied by a reinforce- 
ment of men from below, inevitably ruin the frontier, and in- 
cumber the interior counties with such numbers of indigent 
fugitives, unable to support themselves, as will, like locusts, de- 
vour all before them. If we are assisted to stand and save our 
crops, we will have enough for ourselves and to spare ; you need 
be under no apprehension of any troops you send here suffer- 
ing for want of provisions if they come in time, before the few 
who yet remain are obliged to give way. With men it will be 
necessary tp send arms and ammunition, as we are ill-provided 
\tith them. Gentlemen, ye must all know that this county can- 
not be strong in men after the number it has furnished the 



United States. Their applications to us for men were always 
complied with to the utmost of our abiHties and with the greatest 
alacrity; should our supplications now be rejected, I think the sur- 
vivors of us, if any, may safely say that virtue is not rewarded. 
I have only to add that a few hundreds of men, well armed and 
immediately sent to our relief, would prevent much bloodshed, 
confusion and devastation through many counties of this State, 
as the appearance of being supported would call back many of our 
fugitives to save their harvest for their subsistence, rather than 
suffer the inconvenience which reason tells me they do down the 
country and their, with their families, return must ease the people 
below of a heavy and unprofitable burden. These opinions I sub- 
mit to your serious consideration. Signed, Samuel Hunter." 

This appeal was heeded. How could it have been otherwise ? 
It was not a fancy sketch, but the truth. Colonel Broadhead had 
been ordered to the relief of Wyoming. When he came to Sun- 
bury and learned the condition of affairs, he saw that he could be 
of no service with his small number in the now desolated valley. 
He therefore hurried up to Fort Muncy and there stationed men 
at various points to protect the harvesters. He also sent out par- 
ties and scoured the country in search of any bands of Indians. 
He only had one hundred and fifty men, but with these he made 
such a disposition as to put new courage in the hearts of the set- 
tlers. Early in August Colonel Hartley arrived with three hun- 
dred of the State militia to guard the harvesters. Thus the peo- 
ple were encouraged to return and gather their crops. The sights 
that greeted the people on their return may be seen in that of the 
Antes family as an example. 

The first to venture were small troups of armed men, who 
endeavored to secure the horses and cattle that had been left. They 
found small bands of Indians still in the valley burning cabins, 
barns and outbuildings, and pillaging wherever they could. When 
they came to Level Corner they found the ruins of Robert King's 
home still smoking. When they came to Antes Fort they found 
that the Indians' had failed to injure the stockade to any great ex- 
tent, for the walls had been made so strong that the Indians dared 
not take the time to demolish them. From the stockade the 
smoke of the burning and burned homes along the valley could be 
plainly seen. The smoke stood over the fields of golden grain like 
pillars of cloud. The cabin home of Henry Antes, with the barns. 


sheds, bins and mill, were all in ruins. There was not a building 
left standing. The atmosphere was laden with the odor of the 
burning wheat, of which there had been a large quantity stored in 
the mill. The scene was that of ruin — ruin, utter and complete. 
Antes had made so many improvements, and had filled his mill so 
full of grain, that the amount of capital invested was far greater 
than that of any other settler in the valley, and his loss was con- 
sequently greater. For all his labor and expense there was now 
nothing to show^ but blackened embers. But life was spared and 
courage remained, and the only course was to clear away the ruins 
and build again. 

This, however, could not be done at once, for there was no 
security to those who had returned to harvest their crops. There 
were many of the settlers who made the attempt to save the prod- 
ucts of the fields, for these the Indians could not take with them. 
They might burn them and thiis deny the settlers the possession of 
them, but they could not carry them away. What the Indians 
wanted was scalps and prisoners. These graced their triumph 
when they returned to their native villages. An Indian might 
tell of the cabins he had burned and the fields he had destroyed, 
and his people would not know whether he was telling the truth 
or bragging. But when he exhibited the scalps, or the bodies of 
the prisoners, then the others had evidence which they could not 
dispute, and they honored their warrior according to the scalps 
that hung at his belt. These w^ere the certificates of victory. 

Under the protection of the soldiers some of the settlers went 
into their grain fields all too soon. The fate of young James 
Brady, one of the brightest of the young men in the valley, shows 
the dangers that lurked in every thicket and grove. The story is 
as follows: 

John Brady, one of the captains in the same battalion with 
Henry Antes, built the fort at Mtincy creek. He was one of the 
best men in the valley, and of unimpeachable patriotism. He 
was not afraid of any foe, as the affair with the Indians at Derr's 
shows. He had six stalwart sons, each one of them six feet in 
height and strong. One of these sons was James, and he was a 
representative young men, full of youthful spirit and daring. He 
was only twenty-one years of age, and something of a sport among 
the young gallants of the valley. He had a heavy head of re- 
markably red hair, of which he was very proud, and did it up with 


great care. His strength, beauty and manliness made him a fa- 
vorite with everyone. Whether as a warrior fighting the wily 
Indian foe, or a gallant paying attention to the ladies, he was 
equally a leader among the young men of the frontier. 

On the eighth of August, 1778, Colonel Hartley, who was 
the commander of the soldiers that had been sent to the valley to 
protect it against the savages, sent eight men from Fort Muncy 
to a place near the mouth of the Loyalsock to reap the crops on 
the farm of Peter Smith. About a month previously the savages 
had made a descent on the home of Smith, and had brutally mur- 
dered his wife and four children. The crops were valuable, and 
the settlers cooped up in the forts were in need of them, hence the 
importance of saving them if possible. James Brady was one of 
the party that went to do the reaping. On account of his shrewd- 
ness and daring he was selected to be the leader of the party. 
They arrived at the field on Friday, and after posting their sen- 
tinels, proceeded to work. Everything w^as so quiet that they 
ceased to consider danger as imminent, and that night allowed 
four of the soldiers to return to the Fort. The next morning 
was quite foggy, but the men went into the field at an early hour 
and proceeded to their work, after stacking their guns where they 
could easily get them in case of need. They had been working 
about an hour when the sentinels were surprised to see a band of 
Indians steathily approaching out of the fog-hidden woods. The 
sentinels fired their guns and ran towards the reapers, who were 
seized with a panic, and fled into the foggy forest away from the 
foe. Brady, however, did not flee, but sprang toward the place 
where the guns were stacked. Three Indians followed him, and 
one of them shot him in the arm as he was running. Another 
Indian fired at him, and would have shot him, but he fell over a 
sheaf of wheat and thus escaped the bullet. By this time he had 
reached the guns, and catching up one, shot the nearest Indian 
dead. Throwing the gun down he seized another, and killed an- 
other of the foe. By this time the other savages had come up 
and they surrounded him, yelling fiercely their terrible war 
whoops. For a few moments he fought them all, until one struck 
him in the head with a tomahawk, and another thrust a spear into 
him, then, stunned into almost insensibility, he fell, and they 
sprang upon him, and in a second had his scalp of beautiful red 
hair dripping with blood in their hands. It was a trophy of which 


they were very proud. Then they had a lad who was with them 
strike a tomahawk in his head four times. After this, fearing 
pursuit, they fled. 

An old man by the name of Jerome Vanness had come with 
the party to cook for them, and was in a cabin near the river 
side. He had hidden himself when he heard the firing, know- 
ing that his life would not be spared if the Indians discovered 
him. Soon after the Indians fled, Brady recovered conscious- 
ness, and succeeded, by walking and creeping, in reaching the 
cabin of the old man. When he saw Brady coming and so ter- 
ribly wounded, he came out from his place of concealment and 
devoted himself to dressing his wounds. Brady generously 
begged the old man to flee and save his life, but he refused to 
leave his companion, and helped him down to the river bank, 
where he brought him water to drink, which the wounded man 
constantly craved. Brady asked his friend to give him his rifle, 
and with this in his hand sunk down into sleep, while his friend 
watched over him. 

As soon as the news of the afifair reached the fort, Captain 
Walker mustered a party and they came to the scene of the trag- 
edy. Brady heard them coming, and supposing they were In- 
dians, sprang up, cocked his rifle and stood in the attitude of 
defence. It was a joyful discovery that friends had come. Then 
his strength gave way, and he begged them to take him to his 
mother at Sunbury. The entire party entered the canoe, and 
as rapidly as possible paddled down the river. Never was there 
a sadder party on the water than that. He lay in the bottom of 
the canoe with his head bandaged as the old man had fixed it, 
and his mind wandering in delirium. His one cry was for 
water, which he kept drinking with an insatiable thirst. While 
it gave him some degree of temporary relief, it could not meet 
the relentless drain that the constant outflow of blood was caus- 
ing. The day gave way to the evening, and the evening to 
night, and yet they paddled on. It was about midnight when 
they reached the landing before the fort. 

That day had been one of great anxiety to Mrs. Brady. 
She felt that some trouble was impending, and when the canoe 
was discerned on the water, realized that it bore sad news for 
her. She met it at the landing, and assisted in carrying her 
wounded son into the fort. It was one of the scenes so fre- 


quent on the frontier during those terrible days of Indian war- 

Five days the young man lingered, most of the time in the 
ravings of delirium. Then his consciousness returned, and he 
told them all about the attack and how the Indians had over- 
come him, then he died. 

While every white man in the valley was ready to utter the 
vow of vengeance for this appalling murder, it was the strong 
arm and keen sight of his brother Samuel, that sent the bullet 
crashing into the brains of the red men, until this death was 
avenged many times over, and the avenger was recognized by 
the Indians as a scourge to their people. 

Colonel Hartley was a brave soldier and a wise strategist. 
He saw the utter futility of fighting in this way. The way to 
clear the valley of Indians was to wage the war on them in their 
own country — life for life; home for home; squaw for squaw; 
this only would bring them to their senses. It was a desperate 
undertaking, following the successes the Indians had secured 
in their raids. But the brave officer marched his troops from 
Fort Muncy along the Sheshequin path up Bonser^s Run, just 
below where Williamsport now stands, through Blooming 
Grove to Lycoming Creek, and up this creek until he reached 
the town of the Indian Queen, Esther, whose cruelty had been 
so signally manifested in the Wyoming massacre. The troops, 
led by Colonel Hartley, burned her town and blotted out her 
home, and carried back with them all her cattle and canoes. 
There were fifty head of cattle and thirty canoes. In his official 
report, Colonel Hartley said : ''We waded or swam the river 
Lycoming upwards of twenty times. I cannot help observing 
that I imagine the difficulties in crossing the Alps or passing up 
Kennipeck could not have been greater than those our men ex- 
perienced for the time. I have the pleasure to say they sur- 
mounted them with great resolution and fortitude. ♦ ♦ ♦ 
In lonely woods and we found the haunts and lurking 
places of the savage murderers who had desolated our frontier. 
We saw the huts where they had dressed and dried the scalps of 
the helpless women and children who had fell in their hands.'' 

Still this did not restore safety. The Indians continued 
to lurk in the woods. The need continuing, there was a meet- 
ing called of the principal people of the valley, and Colonel 


Hartley was requested to send a special commission to lay the 
case before the Executive Council. This was done, and Col- 
onel Antes, Captain Chambers and Mr. Moffit were sent on 
that errand. As a result, early the following year there was or- 
ganized and sent into the Indian country the expedition under 
the command of General Sullivan. 

The following notes will show how thoroughly the soldiers 
avenged the lost homes of the white settlers, and taught the In- 
dians the real consequences of predatory warfare. 

In the officers' journals of General John Sullivan's expedi- 
tion against the Indians in 1779, we find the following: 

Lieutenant William Barton says: ''Shamong, August 
1 2th, 1779. An Indian town lying on the north of the creek, 
consisting of about thirty huts covered with bark. The Indians 
who inhabit it raise large fields of corn, beans, squashes, pota- 
toes and pumpkins in abundance, which they subsist on in the 
winter season, wath W'hat deer and bears they kill, with other 
beasts of the woods. Our troops, after destroying their huts 
and fields of corn, (which we suppose contain about a thousand 
bushels,) returned unmolested to Tiog*a. September 5th, Ken- 
dai, (Seneca Lake, N. Y.) appeared to be the oldest town we 
have yet passed; here being considerable orchard — trees very 
old. Monday, September 6th. Here a great plenty of pea 

Lieutenant Erkuries Beatty says: "J"'y 30» ^779- (Che- 
mung and Tioga.) Nearly half of the army out to-day cutting 
up corn, which is in great abundance. Our brigade destroyed 
one hundred and fifty acres of the best corn that I ever saw, 
(some of the stalks grew sixteen feet high) besides great quan- 
tities of beans, potatoes, pumpkins, cucumbers, squashes and 
water melons. August 5th, Seneca Lake. The apple trees, 
which is a good number and very old, was either cut down or 
killed: likewise the peach trees, but there was not many of 

Major John Burrows says: "Shemung, August 26th, 
1779. The field contains about one hundred acres. Beans, 
cucumbers, simblens, water melons and pumpkins in such quan- 
tities, were it represented in the manner it should be, would be 
almost incredible to a civilized people. The corn grows such 
as cannot be equalled in Jersey. Middletown, August 3d. 


The army don't march this day, but are employed in cutting 
down the corn at this place, which being about one hundred and 
fifty acres, and superior to any I ever saw. Some corn stalks 
measure eighteen feet, and one cob a foot and a half long. 
French Catharines, September 3d. There is a number of peach, 
apple and plum trees at this place. Six miles from Chemung, 
September 15th. It is judged that we have burnt and destroy- 
ed about sixty thousand bushels of corn and two or three thou- 
sand bushels of beans on this expedition.'' 

Surgeon Jabes Campfield says: ''September 13th, 1779. 
Black walnuts are very large and well shaped. The quantity 
of corn in the town is far beyond what anybody has imagined. 
I fear the method taken will be ineffectual for its destruction. 
Some of their houses are full of it hanging up to dry." 

Major Jeremiah Fogg says: ^'September ist, Seneca 
Lake. Night coming on we were obliged again to encamp 
without forage, excepting wild beans, of which our horses were 
very fond, and kind nature has been very bountiful in dispensing 
them throughout this country. The village has tw^enty houses 
and eighty large apple trees. September 6th. Encamped 
amidst a great plenty of pea vines." 

Ensign Daniel Gookin says: "September 5th. 1779. 
Marched to T. This is an old settled place. A number of two 
hundred old apple trees and peach trees plenty." 

Sergeant-Major George Grant says: "September 24th, 
1779. Near Caiuga. This morning went to destroying corn, 
beans and orchards. Destroyed about fifteen hundred peach 
trees, besides apple trees and other fruit trees." 

Rev. David Craft says in his historical address: "In this 
expedition the army destroyed two hundred thousand bushels 
of corn, besides thousands of fruit trees and great quantities of 
beans and potatoes." 

"Thursday, September 14th. Previous to our march this 
morning parties were ordered out to destroy the corn, which 
they did, plucking and throwing it into the river. About 
eleven o'clock we took up our line of march and proceeded for 
Jenise, the last and capital settlement of the Seneca country; 
the whole crossed a branch of the Jenise River, and moved 
through a considerable swamp and formed on a plain the other 
side, the most extensive I ever saw, containing not less than 


six thousand acres of the richest soil that can be conceived, not 
having a bush standing, but filled with grass considerably 
higher than a man. We moved up this plain for about three 
miles in our regular line of march, which was a beautiful sight, 
as a view of the whole could be had at one look, and then came 
to Jenise River, which we crossed, being about forty yards over, 
and near middle deep, and then ascended a rising ground, which 
afforded a prospect which was so beautiful that to attempt a 
comparison would be doing an injury, as we had a view as far 
as our eye could carry us of another plain beside the one we 
crossed, through which the Jenise River formed a most beau- 
tiful winding, and at intervals, cataracts, which rolled from the 
rocks, and emptied into the river. We then marched on 
through a rough country, but rich, until we arrived at the capi- 
tal town, which is much the largest which we have yet met with 
in our whole route, and encamped about the same. 

**At this place we found the body of the brave, but unfor- 
tunate Lieutenant Boyd, and one rifleman, massacred in the 
most cruel and barbarous manner that the human mind can 
possibly conceive, the savages having put them to the most ex- 
cruciating torments possible, by first plucking their nails from 
their hands, then spearing, cutting, and whipping them and 
mangling their bodies, then cutting off the flesh from their 
shoulders by pieces, tomahawking and severing their heads 
from their bodies, and then leaving them a prey to their dogs. 
May his fate await those who have been the cause of his. Oh! 
Britain, behold and blush." 

Jenise town, the capital of the Seneca Nation, is pleasantly 
situated on a rich and extensive flat, the soil remarkably rich 
and great parts well improved with fields of corn, beans, pota- 
toes, and all kinds of vegetables. It contained one hundred 
and seven well finished houses. 

''September 15th. This morning the whole army, except- 
ing a covering party, were engaged in destroying the corn, 
beans, potatoes, and other vegetables, which were in quantity 
immense, and in goodness unequalled by any I ever yet saw. 
Agreeable to a moderate calculation, there was not less than two 
hundred acres, the whole of which was pulled and piled up in 
heaps, mixed with dry wood, taken from the houses, and con- 
sumed to ashes. About three o'clock P. M., the business was 


finished, and the immediate objects of this expedition accom- 
plished, viz., the total ruin of the Indian settlements, and the de- 
struction of their crops/' 

The imposing appearance of this expedition filled the set- 
tlers with hope, and the story of its grandeur was told along all 
the streams of the frontier valleys. General Sullivan had a hun- 
dred and tw^enty boats that moved up the river in order as a 
fleet of war, and two thousand pack horses that were led along 
the shore in single file. They succeeded in breaking the Indian 
power in that part of the country forever. The Indians never 
recovered from the desolation inflicted on them. In the course 
of these expeditions it was discovered that the Indians were un- 
der the influence and direction of the Tories, and that these rec- 
reant white men displayed a cruelty that was not exceeded by 
the savages. 

The later history of this part of Pennsylvania shows how 
deeply the minds of the settlers were aflfected by this fact. It 
laid the foundation for antagonism to these hated men that led 
to virulent opposition to even General Washington, when he 
seemed to favor their return to power or influence in the poli- 
tics of the country. The political leaders who clasped hands 
with the returning Tories were regarded with distrust. Upon 
this distrust the people of the frontier turned from the patriotic 
Federalists and gave their voices to the Anti-Federalist cause, 
as it w^as expounded by their most brilliant leader, Thomas Jef- 

These were terrible times throughout the whole country, and 
one part was not able to afford the assistance needed in another 
part. On September nth, 1777, the battle of Brandy wine was 
fought, and the army of General Washington was defeated. This 
enabled the British to enter and hold the city of Philadelphia. On 
October 3d the battle of Germantown was fought, and Washing- 
ton w^as compelled to withdraw his forces. On December nth 
Washington drew his army into winter quarters at Valley Forge. 
It was not until June, 1778, that the British left Philadelphia and 
transferred the seat of war to New York and to the States of the 
South. Hence, in the poverty and distress of the country, the 
demands for assistance from the frontier could not be heeded to 
any large extent. The people simply had to fight it out the best 
they could, and we have seen how they staked all rather than be- 



come Tories, and thus save their property and Hves. When the 
exodus down the river began there was no place of absolute safety 
to which they could go. They might run right into the arms of 
the British army, and find their condition but little, if any, better 
than on the frontier. Yet the Tulpehocking country seemed to 
be safe, and here many of the frightened ones found a temporary 

The troubles that destroyed the home and resources of Henry 
Antes were at the same time as the troubles that drove his brothers 
from their homes toward the frontier, for the rage of the Tories 
in and about Philadelphia against the patriots was so strong that 
it was no longer safe for Colonel Frederick and William Antes 
to remain among them. Hence they turned their faces toward 
the north, and found a place to renew their public career at 
Northumberland. Here, in the reconstruction of affairs, they 
were at once found in the front, and commissions involving the 
greatest responsibilities were placed in their hands. 

To realize the state of the valley, we must remember that the 
Indians destroyed everything that they could not remove. When 
the settlers fled, they carried with them what they could, which 
was not much but the essential things. The other things they 
buried, or hid in other ways, hoping thus to save them, but they 
could not efface the signs from the sharp eyed Indians, and thus 
these even w^ere not safe except when the Indians w^ere in too 
great a hurry to wreak vengeance upon them. When the set- 
tlers first came to the valley they brought the essential implements 
for housekeeping. They could do this, for then there was peace 
in the valley. But now, these were destroyed, and there were 
no neighbors to lend to them, and no stores to supply them, and 
no roaming peddlers to bring to them. If ever the ingenuity of 
man was required to solve the question of existence it was at this 
time. The rifle and the axe were the implements and tools and 
defences of the people. When they came at first, they had the 
chance of helping one another to build their cabins, but now they 
could not extend that help because they were all needing at once, 
and every man had his own family to shelter and at the same 
time dreading a return of the foe. 

At the same time the finances of the country were absolutely 
untrustworthy. Paper money was comparatively worthless, and 
there was but little silver or gold in the country. The settlers 


who had bought their farms and had spent everything they could 
beg or borrow to put them in shape for cultivation, were now bur- 
dened w^ith debt and no resources in sight. They were poorer 
than they ever thought it possible for them to be. At first the 
most common forms of shelter had to suffice. Then the rudest 
cabins put together in a hurry to keep out the rain and the cold. 
Then came various devices to furnish cooking utensils, and cloth- 
ing. The rehabilitation of the West Branch settlements tried 
the souls of men and women and proved the inherent greatness 
of their characters. While this was advancing, Henry Antes, 
as poor as his neighbors, cleared away the debris of the old mill 
and built another on the same foundation, and then, while he 
built his cabin, attended to the necessities of the people and gave 
tliem flour for their grain. As it had been, the Antes mill be- 
came the favorite resort of all people from far and near, where 
they transacted their business and learned the news of the march 
of events in the outside world. 

The poverty of the county is revealed in the report of the 
Commissioners to the Assembly, in 1780. William Clark and 
William Antes were the Commissioners. At the same time Fred- 
erick Antes was the Purchasing Agent for Northumberland coun- 
ty, with stations at Sunbury and Wyoming. William Antes had 
been a sub-lieutenant for Philadelphia county, and in the tho- 
roughness and correctness of his accounts had proven to be so 
efficient that the difficult task of acting as Commissioner here 
was committed to him. The Assembly passed a law for furnish- 
ing supplies and the levying of a tax on each county to raise 
revenues for this purpose. To the consternation of the people 
it was found that the sale of all the personal property in the coun- 
ty would not be sufficient to pay the quota that had been laid on the 
county. Hence the Commissioners wrote the following letter 
to President Reed : 

" Believe us, sir, it is with the utmost pain, and yet the 
greatest truth, that we are obliged to declare our utter inability 
to comply with the demands of that law. We now know that all 
the inhabitants in this county are not equal in number to those of 
some townships in the interior counties. Those who have prop- 
erty sufficient to support themselves are removed and gone. 
Shall, then, the quota of the county be levied on the miserable few 
that remain. Their whole personal property, if removed to a 


place where hard cash could be had for it, and sold, would not pay 
the tax. The old returns will not do, as a rule, to lay a tax on 
absentees. The improvements are grown up, burnt or destroyed, 
the personal property removed, and now paying tax in the lower 
counties. As to the men for the supply of the Federal Army (if 
those already enlisted are excepted) they are not to be had here with- 
out taking the heads of families, and those we well know cannot 
be had, as no money whatever would induce them to abandon 
their families in our situation. We sincerely wish to render a 
ready obedience to all laws of the State, but in our circumstances 
it entirely puts it out of our power. We beg you, sir, to con- 
sider this as the language of Genuine Truth, extorted from us 
by Distressing Necessity, &c." 

The State House 849 it was originally. 


In the room to the left, on entering the hall, the Declaration of Independence was sfgned. 



THE DEVELOPMENT of freedom of speech, as a result 
of the mixture of races, is seen in the progress of social 
life in Philadelphia. The original idea of William Penn 
that his colony was to be a place where all men might have 
equality of rights and privileges, was never lost sight of by the 
people. The assumptions of those more favored in worldly 
goods than their fellows could not blind the people to their 
promised privileges. That one fundamental thought rested in 
the very substratum of the colony, and every ship load of human 
beings that came somehow absorbed it with the air they breath- 
ed. Some spoke the English language, some the German, some 
Welsh, some French, but the language of freedom they all 

The State House was begun in 1729, out in the fields, be- 
yond the built up portion of the city, and represented the pro- 
gressive spirit of the colony. The next year Franklin returned 
from Europe and began the Pennsylvania Gazette, that what 
he knew might be known by the people. These two appeals 
to the thought of the people brought forth a large harvest in the 
cause of freedom. About the State House there was plenty of 
room. Men could shout and fling their arms about them and 
dance to their own ardor, and grasp the hands of their friends 
in the fellowship of interest. There was room to breathe the 
air of freedom and speak its praises, and sing its glories. When 
great questions came up, the people assembled in the State 
House yard, and there gave vent to their feelings. The aristo- 
cratic land barons were made to realize that the people were to 
be counted in all measures afifecting the state. The cultured 
and courtly Governors found that Franklin, the leader of the 
people, was not inferior to any of them in the breadth of intel- 
lect or in the power to apply the principles of philosophy to 
public affairs. 


The State House yard frequently held strangely assorted 
crowds of men. In one part there would be some Germans 
from the Perkioming, still wearing the loose, heavy garments 
they had purchased on the other side of the sea. They were 
talking in the language of the fatherland, and were a curiosity 
to those, who, though fellow-citizens, could not understand 
their speech. Near them would be a company of Welshmen, 
whose strange use of consonants, and deep-throated enuncia- 
tion, was as curious to the Germans as the German was to the 
English. There were Quakers in their plain garb, side by 
side with the young Englishmen in their frills and scarlet vests, 
and fantastically arranged scarfs and hats. The Englishmen 
felt their importance, because they were the merchant class, and 
held the money power, and with their keener wits were actively 
engaged in winning to their view the people from the country 
who did not yet comprehend the English way of looking at pub- 
lic questions. 

It was interesting in this old State House yard, when the 
people rose above the ideas of the leaders, and asserted them- 
selves so as to take possession of the meeting and pass measures 
that suited their views. They may have been somewhat ignor- 
ant and perverse, but they were building the foundations of 
freedom, which, under the leadership of that same Franklin, 
would sweep away, not only the selfish rule of Proprietary gov- 
ernment, but also that of King George, and every manner of 
authority that belonged to the nations beyond the sea. 

The development of that spirit was seen, when in Septem- 
ber, 1774, the first Continental Congress met in Carpenter's 
Hall, (which stood south of Chestnut street, between Third and 
Fourth). Then on January 23d, 1775, a Provincial Convention 
was held, and after the news came of the battle at Lexington, a 
Committee of Safety w^as appointed. Within ten days after 
the news came of the battle of Bunker Hill, a regiment of rifle- 
men was on the way to Boston. 

On the 4th of July the Declaration of Independence was 
adopted, and on the 8th, it was read to the thousands who filled 
the State House yard. On the 15th of July, a convention was 
called to prepare a constitution for the State of Pennsylvania, 
which was presented and ratified by the people on the 28th of 
September following. One of the members of this convention, 


who thus revealed his part in the development of freedom, was 
Frederick Antes, whose influence among the Germans was at 
that time probably second to none. He was a commanding 
figure at this time of excitement and patriotism in the old State 
House yard. 

It was not left to the States alone to assume the right to 
have a rule of government, but the exigencies of the times de- 
manded that the central government should have power and 
means to win the fight against the strong foe that would oppress 
the colonies singly or unitedly. On June 12th, 1776, Congress 
appointed a committee to prepare articles of confederation. 
Their report was finally adopted November 15th, 1777. It will 
be noticed that at the time these articles were adopted, the Brit- 
ish were occupying Philadelphia, the disastrous battles of 
Brandywine and Germantown had been fought, and the Conti-' 
nental Congress had been driven from Philadelphia to Lancas- 
ter, and from Lancaster to York. On November 20th, five 
days after the articles were adopted, Fort Mercer was abandon- 
ed to the British, thus giving them the undisputed control of 
the Delaware River. A few days later the American army wxnt 
into winter quarters at Valley Forge. This combination of 
unfortunate and discouraging events shows the bravery and un- 
yielding determination of the American patriots. The first 
three articles of the confederation are as follows : 

Article i. The style of this confederacy shall be The United 
States of America. 

Article 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and 
independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is 
not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United 
States in Congress assembled. 

Article 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a 
firm league of friendship with each other for their common de- 
fence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and gen- 
eral welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all 
force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on 
account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or. any other pretence 

When the report came that a French fleet w^as coming to 
the help of the Americans, the English Admiral withdrew from 
the Delaware and sailed for New York. Then, on the i8th of 


June, 1778, the British evacuated Philadelphia. The American 
Congress lost no time in returning to the place of its beginning. 
The Articles of Confederation were then taken up and on the 
9th day of July; 1778, were signed by the representatives of thir- 
teen States. 

But the Confederation had only the mere semblance of a 
nation, and its greatest work was in relation to the debts and 
burdens of the people. It had no power to use compulsion to 
its decrees; it had no power of taxation. If the States responded 
to the demands of Congress and furnished the funds needed, all 
was wxll, but if the States refused, there was no redress for the 
despised Congress. The Confederation had no adequate con- 
trol of foreign commerce, and thus revealed its subserviency to 
the various States. Again, it had no power to arrest and try 
dehnquent individuals and assert its authority in their punish- 
ment. In all matters that were essential to the continued exis- 
tence of a central government, the Confederation was entirely 
subject to the good will of the States. These States w^ere little 
sovereignties. They were well organized, and possessed the 
power of compulsion. In the South there were the county or- 
ganizations, and at the North there were the town meetings. 
The resources of the people were at the command of the States, 
and these preserved the peace, and regulated the affairs of their 

The war had left a large debt which the people w^ere unwill- 
ing to pay. There were many reasons for this. In the pro- 
gress of the war there were some men who thrived on the neces- 
sities of their fellows. They sold their products at high prices, 
and quickly turned these into permanent securities that left them 
rich at the close of the war. During the war the exigencies of 
the times led to the issue of continental currency, which became 
such a drag that it was said it required a wagon load of it to buy 
a wagon load of provisions. Yet at the time this was the money 
the people were compelled to receive. Of this money, in March, 
1778, a dollar of coin was worth $1.75 in paper. In September 
of the same year it was worth $4.00. In March, 1779. it was 
worth $10.00. In September of the same year, $18.00; in 
March, 1780, $40. At the last stage Congress provided for fund- 
ing the money at the rate of $40.00 to $1.00. 


In the use of this money the shrewd did not keep it, but im- 
mediately converted it into real estate or other soHd securities. 
Thus the rich grew richer and brought the masses of the people 
into their debt. Many of these successful people were Tories and 
merchants, who had kept out of the battlefields, and Quakers, who 
were conscientiously opposed to fighting, but not to taking ad- 
vantage of good bargains. While, on the other hand, the peo- 
ple who fought for the freedom of the country, those who were 
at a distance from the markets, those who believed in the ability 
of the union to meet all its promises, the poor and the ignorant, 
those who had sold their farms, or their produce, or their labor, 
and had hoarded the paper money against a day of need, or had 
gathered it with the hope of buying a home with it as soon as 
enough was secured, now found it to be worthless, and their 
hopes entirely destroyed. This was the time for the lawyers to 
flourish. By the close of the war the farmers lost the market for 
their produce, and the soldiers, returning home, found no avenues 
of employment open, and debts staring them in the face on every 
hand. Obligations began to accumulate against their small land 
holdings, and everything was in a deplorably unsettled condition. 
Shay's rebellion, in Massachusetts, was a revelation of the feelings 
of the people. As they realized they were losing their homes 
through the losses consequent on the depreciation of the currency 
in which they had trusted, they vainly thought that if they closed 
the courts and kept them closed, process could not be obtained 
against them. In all the colonies there was the greatest distress, 
and many of the most patriotic of the people were reduced to a 
poverty from which they never recovered. History awakens our 
sympathy for the great men who gave their fortunes to establish 
the liberties of the country. But with these few, whose names 
are heralded in every story of the heroes of the Revolution, there 
were thousands from the coast cities to the most frontier settle- 
ments who had suffered just as severely, for they had lost all ; and 
even more, for they had no friendly hands to assist them in re- 
gaining their homes or their position in society. Naturally this 
led to a general repudiation of debts, and one commonwealth after 
another was plunged into the abyss of ruined integrity. It was 
this condition of affairs that compelled the movement that resulted 
in the change from a Confederation to a government by Constitu- 


The historian tells us that : ''We who are accustomed to but 
one unit of value, and purchase with dollars and cents, can form 
but a faint conception of the difficulties that beset our ancestors 
in their money payments. The Constitution had not yet been 
framed. There was therefore no supreme authority, and no na- 
tional currency based upon a universally recognized unit. In 
every State there were at least two units of value, the English 
pound and the Spanish milled dollar, which had been adopted by 
Congress in the early years of the Revolution. But the values 
of these standards were by no means common ones. The pound 
in Georgia contained 1547 silver grains; in Virginia it fell to 1289 
grains, which was also recognized as the pound in Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island and Connecticut and New Hampshire. In New 
Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania and Maryland, it fell to 103 1 and 
a quarter grains, while in New York and North Carolina it reach- 
ed the minimum of 966. The pound being divided into shillings, 
and the shillings into pence, made the value of the penny far from 
equal in the different States. But the Spanish dollar was also in 
circulation, and was divided into shillings, Spanish bits or pistar- 
eens, Spanish half -bits or half-pistareens, coppers or pennies. A 
pistareen was understood to be the tenth of a dollar, and w^ould 
correspond to about twenty, and a half-pistareen to about ten cents 
of our money. But these again were variable in value, for the num- 
ber of shillings, and consequently the number of pence, to the dol- 
lar changed with the value of the pound. In 1784 the entire coin 
of the land, except coppers, w^as the product of foreign mints. 
English guineas, crowns, shillings and pence were still paid over 
the counters of shops and taverns, and with them were mingled 
many French and Spanish, and some German coins. Indeed, the 
close connection the colonies had held with the traders of the 
Spanish Indies and the nearness of the Spanish possessions at the 
mouth of the Mississippi and along the Gulf of Mexico, had made 
Americans familiar w^ith all denominations of Spanish coins. They 
had long circulated freely among all classes of buyers and sellers. 
One of them, the Spanish milled dollar, had become as much a 
unit of value as the pound. Others were of great value, were care- 
fully stowed away in secret drawers, or rolled in old stockings and 
hidden in the darkest hole in the attic, or buried under the boards 
of the floor, whence they emerged only as quarter day came round, 
or the taxes fell due. Such an one was the Johannes, always called 


the joe, a gold coin worth sixteen dollars. Next to the joe in 
value was the doubloon, worth fifteen dollars. The half joe went 
for eight dollars, the double Spanish pistole at seven dollars and 
forty-eight ninety-sixths, and the pistole at half that value. The 
moidore was a six dollar piece. These, with the English guinea 
and half-guinea, the French guinea, the carolin, and the chequin, 
made up the list of gold coins. The small change, in which house- 
keepers paid for their daily purchases, was of silver, and among 
the silver coins were the Spanish milled dollar, the Spanish bit 
and half bit, the pistareen, the shilling piece and the sixpence. 
The copper coins were pennies, spoken of as coppers, and 
French sous. The value of the gold was pretty much the same 
the country over, but the dollar and the silver pieces regarded 
as fractions of a dollar, had no less than five different values. 
These values applied to no pieces which were not true ahd of 
full weight, for counterfeiters and clippers had long been busy, 
and had at last brought the coin to such a state that it passed 
by weight and not by tale. One of the favorite tricks of the 
counterfeiter was to turn the French sous into Spanish moi- 
dores. The sou was a small copper piece worth about a cent, so 
closely resembling the gold moidore that when it was gilded 
over it readily passed with the careless for the Spanish piece 
worth thirty-six shillings. Another trick w^as to wash coppers 
with silver and pass them off in a handful of change as English 
sixpences. But the clipping was worse than the counterfeiting, 
for scarce a coin, from a joe to a pistareen, could be found which 
had not at some time been subjected to the shears. 

"In 1782, a great sum of gold coins came as a loan from 
France, and the Government had them all clipped to bring them 
to the current weight, and from this time it was not safe to take 
coin except by having it carefully weighed in the balances." 



DESCRIPTION OF Wyoming in July, 1777. Wyoming 
stood an extreme frontier — an outpost on the borders 
of the settlements of the savage enemy. To Sunbury, 
the nearest inhabited place on the Susquehanna, it was sixty 
miles; through the great swamp it was sixty miles; a pathless 
wilderness to Bethlehem or Easton. The warlike and bloody 
Mohawks, Senecas, and others of the Six Nations occupied all 
the upper branches of the Susquehanna, and were within a few 
hours sail of our settlements, which were exposed to constant 
attacks. Our pathways were ambushed and midnight gleamed 
with constant conflagration of our dwellings. Thus exposed, 
we stood as a shield to all the inhabitants below us. In this 
situation, every man might justly be regarded as on duty con- 
tinually. Every man might have been considered as enlisted 
for and during the war. There was no peace nor security at 
Wyoming. The husbandman took his hoe in one hand and his 
rifle in the other, to his corn field. Several forts were built and 
garrisons steadily maintained. Such was the case with Jen- 
kins' Fort, Forty Fort, and the Fort of Wilkesbarre. This was 
done by the people, by the militia, by common consent and com- 
mon exertion. Three hundred miles from Connecticut, it was 
vain to ask assistance from her, exerting every nerve as she was 
for the common defence and the protection of her extensive and 
exposed sea-board. 

Description two years later. The town consists of about 
seventy houses, chiefly log buildings; besides these buildings 
there are sundry larger ones, which were erected by the army 
for the purpose of receiving stores, large bake and smoke 
houses. There is likewise a small fort erected in the town, with 
a strong abatta around it, and a small redoubt to shelter the in- 
habitants in case of an alarm. This fort is garrisoned by one 
hundred men, drafted from the Western army, and put un- 


der the command of Col. Zebulon Butler, Colonel of the Twen- 
ty-fourth Connecticut Militia. Two-thirds of the inhabitants 
are widows and orphans, made so by the Indians, and totally 
dependent on the public, and absolute objects of charity, being 
robbed and plundered of all their furniture and clothing. 

Prof. Silliman's description of Wyoming: "The severe 
and long continued struggle for the possession of this country, 
which was sustained by the original Connecticut settlers, and 
the repeated attempts which were made to dispossess them by 
arms, sufficiently evince the high estimation in which it was held 
by all parties. The prize for which the settlers contended was 
worthy of all the heroism, fortitude, and long suffering perse- 
verance, which during so many years they displayed — an ex- 
hibition of moral courage rarely equalled and never surpassed. 
Believing themselves both in a political and personal view to be 
the rightful proprietors of the country, they defended it to the 
death; and no one who now surveys this charming valley can 
wonder that they would not quietly relinquish their claim. 

The first glance of a stranger entering at either end, or 
crossing the mountain ridges which divide it from the rest of 
the world, fills him with the peculiar pleasure produced by a 
fine landscape, combining richness, beauty, variety and gran- 
deur. From Prospect Hill, on the rocky summit of the eastern 
barrier, and from Ross Hill, on the west, the Valley of Wyom- 
ing is seen in one view as a charming whole, and its lofty and 
well-defined boundaries exclude more distant objects from 
mingling in the prospect. Few landscapes that I have seen can 
vie with the Valley of Wyoming. Excepting some rocky preci- 
pices and cliffs, the mountains are wooded from their summit 
to their base. Natural sections furnish avenues for roads, and 
the rapid Susquehanna rolls its powerful current through a 
mountain gap on the northwest, and immediately receives the 
Lackawanna, which flows down the narrow valley of the same 
name. A similar pass between the mountains on the south 
gives the Susquehanna an exit, and in both places a slight ob- 
liquity in the position of the observer presents to the eye a 
seeming lake in the windings of the river, and a barrier of moun- 
tains apparently impassable. From the foot of the steep moun- 
tain ridges, particularly on the eastern side, the valley sweeps 
away with broad sweeping undulations in the surface, forming 


numerous swelling hills of arable and grazing land; and as 
we recede from the hills, the fine flats and meadows covered 
with the richest grass and wheat complete the picture by fea- 
tures of the gentlest and most luxuriant beauty." 

The Wyoming Controversy. The first grants of land in 
America by the crown of Great Britain were made with a lavish- 
ness which can exist only where acquisitions are without cost and 
their value unknown ; and with a want of precision in regard to 
boundaries which could result only from entire ignorance of the 
country. In 1620 King James the First granted to the Plymouth 
Co., an association in England, a charter for the ruling and gov- 
erning of New England in America. This charter covered the 
expanse from the forty-ninth to the forty-sixth degree of north 
latitude, extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. There 
was an exception reserving from the grant all territories then 
actually in possession of the subjects of any other Christian prince 
or State. This exception operated in favor of the Dutch at Man- 
hattan and Fort Orange, afterwards New York and Albany. The 
Plymouth Company, in 1628, granted to the Massachusetts colony 
their territory, and in 163 1 to the Connecticut colony theirs; both 
by formal charters, which made their western boundary the 
Pacific Ocean. On the restoration of Charles the Second, he 
granted, in 1662, a new charter to the people of Connecticut, con- 
firming the previous one and defining the southern one to be at a 
point on the coast one hundred and twenty miles southwest of the 
mouth of Narraganset bay in a straight line. In 1676 the same 
monarch granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the territory 
then claimed and occupied by the Dutch, and extending westward 
as far as the Delaware bay. The same year the Duke conquered 
it from the Dutch and took possession. A dispute arising be- 
tween New York and Connecticut concerning their boundary, it 
was determined by royal commissioners, in 1683, who fixed upon 
the present line between those States. This, of course, determined 
the southernmost point in the boundary of Connecticut, which is 
not far from forty-one degrees north latitude. This line extend- 
ing westward would enter Pennsylvania near Stroudsburg, pass 
through Conyngham, in Luzerne county, and cross the Susque- 
hanna at Bloomsberg, in Columbia county, cutting oflf all northern 
Pennsylvania. In 1691, nineteen years after the date of the Con- 
necticut charter, Charles II granted to William Penn the memor- 


able charter of Pennsylvania, by which the northern boundary of 
his province was fixed at the forty-second degree of north latitude, 
where it is now established. Here, then, was a broad strip of 
territory granted by the same monarch to different grantees. The 
lands, however, like other portions of the wilderness, remained in 
possession of the Indians, and the preemption right only was con- 
sidered as conveyed by the charters. The different principles in- 
volved in the charter of the Connecticut colony and this Province 
necessarily produced an essential difference in the manner of ac- 
quiring the Indian title to the lands. In the colony the right of 
preemption was vested in the people; and the different towns in 
Connecticut were settled in successive periods by different bands 
of adventurers, who separately acquired the Indian title, either by 
purchase or by conquest, and in many instances without the aid or 
the interference of the commonwealth. In the province the pre- 
emption right was vested in WiHiam Penn, who made no grants 
of lands until the Indian title had been extinguished, and conse- 
quently the whole title in Pennsylvania was derived through the 
Proprietaries. In 1753 an association of persons, principally in- 
habitants of Connecticut, was formed for the purpose of com- 
mencing a settlement in that portion of the Connecticut territories 
which lay toward the province of New York. Agents were ac- 
cordingly sent out for the purpose of exploring the country and 
selecting a proper district. The beautiful valley upon the Sus- 
quehanna river, in which the Indians of the Delaware tribe eleven 
years before had built their town of Wyoming, attracted the at- 
tention of the agents; and as they found the Indians apparently 
very friendly and a considerable portion of the valley unoccupied, 
except for purposes of hunting, they reported in favor of com- 
mencing their settlements at that place, and of purchasing the 
lands of the Six Nations of Indians residing near the great lakes, 
who claimed all the lands upon the Susquehanna. This report 
was adopted by the company ; and as a general meeting of com- 
missioners from all the English-American colonies was to take 
place at Albany the next year, in pursuance of his Majesty's in- 
struction, for the purpose of forming a general treaty with the In- 
dians, it was considered that a favorable opportunity would then 
be presented for purchasing the Wyoming lands. When the gen- 
eral congress of Commissioners assembled at Albany, in 1755, the 
agents appointed by the Susquehanna company attended also ; and 


having successfully attained the objects of their negotiation, ob- 
tained from the principal chiefs of the Six Nations, on the i ith of 
July, 1754, a deed of the lands upon the Susquehanna, including 
Wyoming and the country westward to the waters of the Alle- 
gheny. In the summer of 1755, the Susquehanna company, hav- 
ing in the month of May preceding procured the consent of the 
legislature of Connecticut for the establishment of a settlement, 
and, if his Majesty should consent, of a separate government with- 
in the limits of their purchase, sent out a number of persons to 
take possession of their lands at Wyoming; but finding the In- 
dians in a state of war with the white people, the settlement of the 
country was at that time deemed impracticable. 

A general truce having been effected with the Indians, a com- 
pany of about two hundred persons from Connecticut arrived at 
Wyoming in August, 1762, and commenced their settlement at 
the mouth of a small stream about one mile above the Indian town 
of Wyoming. After having cleared land, sowed some wheat 
and concealed some tools, they returned to Connecticut for the 
winter. In the following year these adventurers returned to the 
valley with their families and resumed their labors, the Indians 
appearing to be perfectly friendly. The Delaware chief, Teedy- 
uscung, a favorite with his own people and disposed to be on good 
terms with the whites, had incurred the enmity of the Six Nations. 
A party of them during this year stole into the valley and mur- 
dered him, and charged the deed upon the Connecticut settlers. 
The latter, unconscious of the charge and trusting to the friendly 
disposition thus far manifested by the Indians, were entirely un- 
provided with arms. 

In his history of the Lackawanna Valley, Dr. Hollenback 
says: ''The complaints of Teedyuscung, nor the threats of 
Lieutenant Governor Hamilton were hardly necessary, as the 
next year (1763) witnessed the murder of the King of the Dela- 
wares in his simple cabin by the river side, and the flight or 
massacre of the defenceless yeomanry at Wyoming. When 
Teedyuscung sank the tomahawk into the skull of the offending 
Iroquois warrior on his way to Easton, in 1758, unavenged and 
apparently unnoticed at the time, he wrote his own death-war- 
rant in the blood of the fallen chief. Indian revenge slumbers 
only to increase its intensity. Under the garb of friendship, 
he was visited at his village by some warriors of the Six Nations 



from the upper branches of the Susquehanna, pHed bountifully 
with liquor, of which he was passionately fond, and while thus 
inebriated in his wigwam, helpless, asleep and alone, the cele- 
brated and venerable chieftain perished in the flames on the 
night of April 19th, 1763. His own dwelling and twenty others 
surrounding it, had been set on fire simultaneously, by these 
emissaries from the Six Nations, who thus sought and found 
revenge upon the unforgotten and unresisting offender. 

**Some four months previous to this the Yankees had re- 
turned to the valley with their families, bringing along cattle, 
sheep, hogs, and grain sufficient to last them until the coming 
harvest. Traffic and fur trading had sprung up with the sur- 
rounding tribes, with whom the most friendly and harmonious 
relations had hitherto supposed to have existed. When sud- 
denly, on the afternoon of the 1 5th of October, while the farm- 
ers \yere hard at work in the field, unconscious of approaching 
danger, they were surrounded by a party of Indians, who massa- 
cred about twenty persons, took several prisoners, and having 
seized upon the live stock drove it toward their town. Those 
who escaped, hastened to their dwellings, gave the alarm to the 
famihes of those who were killed, and the remainder of the col- 
onists — men, women and children — fled precipitately to the 
mountains, from whence they beheld the smoke arising from 
their late habitations, and the savages feasting on the remains 
of their little property. Thus by one stroke, seldom surpassed 
in suddenness and atrocity, every living white person was swept 
from Wyoming in an hour, and the valley again left in the sole 
occupancy of the Indians. 

"Their removal and destruction at 'this time, if more vin- 
dictive and cruel was no more certain than that vouchsafed 
them by the Provincial Government, had a few more days of 
quiet husbandry been allowed them by the Indians. On 
Tuesday before the massacre, October 17th, 1763, Major Clay- 
ton marched to Wyoming to carry out the instructions of the 
Provincial Government. He met with no Indians, but found 
the New Englanders who had been killed and scalped a day or 
two before he got there. They buried the dead — nine men and 
one woman — who had been most cruelly butchered ; the woman 
was roasted, and had two hinges in her hands, supposed to have 
been put in red hot, and several of the men had awls thrust into 


their eyes, and spears, arrows, pitchforks, &c., sticking in their 
bodies. Major Clayton's men burned what houses the Indians 
had left and destroyed a quantity of Indian corn. * * * * 
Nothing whatever was done by the authorities of Pennsyl- 
vania toward punishing, or even rebuking, the authors of this 
preconcerted destruction of life and property.'' 

It should be remembered that the Indians never gave up 
their claim to this valley, and hence justified their means used 
to prevent the white men from occupying it, as they alone were 
owners of the land. 

*'No further settlement was made until the year 1769. In 
the meantime, the Delaware Indians, those who were still 
friendly to the whites, removed to Wyalusing, and attached 
themselves to the Moravian mission there. After the peace 
between France and Great Britain, in 1763, and a cessation of 
hostilities on the part of the great nations of northwestern In- 
dians, in 1764, the opportunity was seized by the English colo- 
nies to cultivate a more friendly intercourse with the Indians and 
to fix a definitive boundary to the purchases made at various 
times. A general treaty was accordingly held for that purpose 
at Fort Stanwix, near the Oneida Lake, in October, 1768. At 
this treaty the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania procured a deed 
from the Six Nations, dated November Sth, 1768, for all the 
lands lying within the province of Pennsylvania which had not 
been previously purchased by the Proprietaries. This pur- 
chase included Wyoming and all the lands previously sold by 
chiefs of the same nations to the Susquehanna company. 

"After the. conclusion of this purchase, the Proprietaries 
of Pennsylvania sent to Wyoming a party of settlers, who were 
directed to lay out the lands there into two manors for the use 
of the Proprietaries. One on the east side of the river, extend- 
ing from Nanticoke Falls to Monokony Island, and from the 
river nearly to the foot of the mountain, including the old Wy- 
oming town, was called the manor of Stoke, and the other on 
the west side, nearly of the same extent, was called the manor of 
Sunbury, and a lease of seven years was given to three of the 
principal persons, whose names were Charles Stewart, Amos 
Ogden and John Jennings. These persons were directed to 
take possession of the lands there and to defend themselves and 
those under them against all enemies whatever. 


'*On the 8th of February, 1769, a company of forty persons 
from Connecticut arrived at Wyoming, and found Stewart, 
Ogden and Jennings in possession of the improvements which 
they had previously made there, and in which they had attempt- 
ed to secure themselves by the erection of a block house at the 
mouth of the creek. Having ascertained that the Pennsyl- 
vania party claimed the lands under grants from that province, 
and that they refused to give up to them their improvements, 
they built small buildings of logs on different sides of the block 
house, by which means they intercepted all communication with 
the surrounding country, and entirely invested the Pennsylvania 
garrison. Having failed in his hopes of reinforcements, Ogden 
proposed to the Connecticut people an amicable settlement of 
their respective claims, and invited some of the leaders of the 
Connecticut party to the block house to agree upon the terms, 
three of whom repaired thither for that purpose. They were 
immediately seized by Jennings, who was Sheriff of Northamp- 
ton county, and having conducted them to Easton, they were 
thrown into jail until sufficient bail could be procured for their 

And now commenced a bitter civil war, which lasted, with 
alternate successes of the different parties, for upwards of 
six years. In vain were the two colonial governments of Connec- 
ticut and Pennsylvania engaged in negotiations to adjust the ques- 
tion of jurisdiction. In vain had the Crown been appealed to for 
the same purpose, and in vain was the interposition of other col- 
onial authorities invoked for that object. Now the colonists from 
Connecticut were increased by fresh arrivals and obtained the 
mastery; and now again, either by numbers or stratagem, did the 
Pennsylvanians become lords of the manors. Forts, blockhouses 
and redoubts were built upon both sides ; some of which sustained 
regular sieges. The settlements of both parties were alternately 
broken up, the men led off to prison, the women and children 
driven away, and other outrages committed. Blood was some- 
times shed in this strange and civil strife, but, considering the tem- 
per that was exhibited, in far less quantities than might have been 
anticipated. Deeds of valor, and of surprising valor, were per- 
formed. But strange to relate, notwithstanding these troubles, 
the population of the valley rapidly increased, and as the Con- 
necticut people waged the contest with the most indomitable reso- 


lution, they, in the long run, came nearest to success. The Penn- 
sylvanians having sent a large force against the settlement under 
Colonel Plunket, which was ingloriously defeated, no further mil- 
itary operations against it were attempted from that quarter until 
after the Revolution. Meantime the settlements had been greatly 
extended and several towns designated and surveyed. Until the 
year 1774, the people had lived under laws of their own enacting, 
but their population had now become so considerable that a more 
efficient government was judged expedient. An application to 
be taken under the immediate government of Connecticut was at- 
tended with success, and under the general name of Westmore- 
land the valley of Wyoming was annexed to the county of Litch- 
field, in the State of Connecticut. Zebulon Butler, Esq., a gentle- 
man who had served with credit in the French war, and Nathan 
Dennison, Esq., also a gentlemen of character, were appointed 
justices of the peace." 

pi^unket's invasion. 

THE BEAUTIFUL lands along the Susquehanna in the 
Muncy bottoms attracted the attention of surveyors and 
speculators at an early day, because of the richness of the 
soil and the ease which it might be improved. The Susquehanna 
company, in April, 1769, passed a vote to send more than five hun- 
dred settlers there, of whom three hundred were to have lands as 
a gratuity, and the surveyors were instructed to lay out several 
townships on the West Branch for that purpose. In 1771, two of 
these townships were surveyed, and called Charlestown and Judea. 
In May, 1775, John Vincent, who resided on the West Branch, 
was appointed a justice of the peace for Litchfield county, Con- 
necticut, lii August, with several others, he came to Wyoming 
and induced a number of persons to go to the West Branch, settle 
there, and thus extend the jurisdiction and authority of Connecti- 
cut. In September about eighty went there for the purpose of 
peaceably settling on these lands. Their coming aroused the fears 
and the anger of the Penns, and the government ordered Colonel 
William Plunket, the presiding Magistrate, to gather the militia 
and break up these intruding settlements. 

At this time the spirit of war was in the. land. The battle of 
Lexington had taken plaice April 19th, and Bunker Hill, June 
17th. Washington had been appointed the Commander-in-Chief 
of the army, and Congress had voted to raise and equip twenty 
thousand men. Although news traveled slowly, this kind of in- 
formation went like lightning throughout the land, and all the 
people showed a desire to rise against the oppression of the mother 
country. To the extreme limits of the frontier the militia were 
called out, and every man that could bear a rifle, even though not 
supplied with one, entered into the service of his colony. Thus 
there was no difficuty in sending an active body of men to drive 
out the intruders. As to the real merits of the case, the people 
were not informed; they acted on what was commanded them 





pi^unk^t's invasion. 391 

from the government. The result was that one life was lost, sev- 
eral of the Connecticut men were wounded, their buildings were 
burned, their property was distributed among the conquerers, the 
women and children were sent to Wyoming, and the men were 
taken to the jail in Sunbury. This victory whetted the appetites 
of the valiant militia, and they were ready for more of the war. 

Thus far in the controversy between the colony of Connecti- 
cut and Pennsylvania, every expedition against Wyoming had 
been of a civil character. There was a great parade of force, but 
that was the most of it. The success of Plunket in destroying the 
settlements on the West Branch revealed the way in which the 
affair at Wyoming might be settled. Wyoming at this time is 
thus described : "Three years of tranquil enjoyment had increas- 
ed the numl)er of settlers at Wyoming, while unremitted industry 
upon a prolific soil had diffused throughout the valley most of the 
necessaries, many of the conveniences and some of the luxuries of 
life. Abundant food and clothing were enjoyed in every cottage. 
Numerous herds of cattle grazed upon the mountains. Hill and 
meadow were spotted with flocks of sheep. The flats, nearly 
cleared, yielded thirty and forty fold the seed that was sown. 
School houses were erected in every district. The Sabbath was 
kept with Puritan strictness. Congregated in convenient places 
the people listened to sermons from their gospel ministers. Prayer 
ascended to the Most High for grace in spiritual matters, and His 
protection in their secular concerns ; while 

They chant their artless notes in simple guise; 
They tune their hearts, by far the noblest aim : 
Perhaps Dundee's wild warbling measures rise, 
Or plaintive Martyrs, worthy of the name." 

Mr. Miner says: *'The complete, perhaps easy, conquest 
and desolation of the Muncy settlement, instead of satisfying, 
only rendered more eager the Pennsylvania land holders to strike 
a decisive blow against Wyoming. Colonel Plunket had return- 
ed, his brow wreathed with victory, and a long line of Yankee 
prisoners graced his triumphal entry into Sunbury: while some 
of his followers, enriched by so much plunder, obtained with 
scarce a contest, were desirous of trying their fortunes in a new 
enterprise on a more extended scale, offering to their successful 
arms an hundredfold more valuable reward. More elated, per- 

392 pi^unket's invasion. 

haps, than wisdom would have justified, proud and flattered for 
what he had already achieved. Colonel Plunket was told by others, 
and seems not to have doubted himself, that he was the man for 
whom the honor had been reserved of rescuing Wyoming from 
the unprincipled encroachments of the moss trooping Yankees. 

"The preparations that were made alarmed the Wyoming 
settlers, and they appealed to their government. On Novem- 
ber 3d, the Governor of Connecticut laid letters before the 
Council, which stated that the Pennites, on the West Branch of 
the Susquehanna River, were about to come, five hundred in 
number, armed, to drive off the Connecticut settlers from the 
Wyoming country. The Council viewed it as having a most 
dangerous tendency to break the union of the colonies, and es- 
teemed it a plan probably concerted by enemies, with that view. 
The Governor was desired to address Congress on the subject, 
and endeavor to have the matter quieted. On Saturday, the 
4th of November, having been apprised of the destruction of 
Charlestown and Judea, Congress came to the following resolu- 
tion: The Congress, considering that the most perfect union 
between all the colonies is essentially necessary for the just 
rights of North America, and being apprehensive that there is 
great danger of hostilities being commenced at or near Wyom- 
ing, between the inhabitants of the colony of Pennsylvania and 
those of Connecticut: Resolved, That the Assemblies of said 
colonies be requested to take the most speedy and effectual 
steps to prevent such hostilities. 

''On the 7th of the month, in reply to the resolution, an 
evasive verbal answer was made through Mr. Dickinson, *De- 
siring to know on what evidence the Congress grounded the ap- 
prehension therein expressed of hostilities commencing at or 
near Wyoming between the inhabitants of the colony of Penn- 
sylvania and those of Connecticut.' 

"During the continuance of the first Pennymite and Yan- 
kee war. from the commencement of 1769 to the close of 1778, 
it will be remembered that every expedition against Wyoming 
was of a civil character. Sheriffs Jennings and ITackline be- 
ing ostensibly the chief officers on duty, merely supported by 
Captains Ogden. Francis, Dick. Clayton, Morris and Ledlie, 
with their several military companies, the burnished musket, 
the glittering bayonet, the four-pounder, the whole martijil ar- 

pi^unket's invasion. 393 

ray being simply an appurtenant to a peace officer, while he 
should serve a civil process. The same policy was again as- 
sumed. Colonel Plunket, with his seven hundred armed men, 
his train of boats, with store of ammunition, the leading and 
largest one armed with a field-piece ready for action, on board, 
or to be landed, were the mere accompaniments of William 
Cook, Esq., the High Sheriff of Northumberland county, whose 
business at Wyoming was to arrest two or three individuals on 
civil writs. 

*'A high degree of excitement prevailed on both sides. 
Several boats from Wyoming, trading with the settlements be- 
low, were seized on passing Fort Augusta, and their cargoes 
confiscated. Early in December, his preparations having been 
completed, Colonel Plunket took up his line of march, the 
weather then being mild, the river free from ice, a matter ex- 
tremely unusual at that season of the year." 

''Ji^istly alarmed at these formidable preparations, the Wy- 
oming people dispatched an agent to state the condition of af- 
fairs before Congress and solicit their friendly interposition. 
But while calling on Congress the inhabitants were far too wise 
to omit placing themselves in the best possible posture of de- 
fence. The military were reviewed. As there was no public 
magazine of provisions, every man able to bear arms was di- 
rected to hold himself in readiness to march at a moment's 
warning, his arms in order, wnth all the ammunition requisite 
for a week's muster, and provisions for at least three days. 
Scouts sfent out for the purpose returned, one every day, with 
information of the advance of the enemy, who were coming up 
strong and confident of success. The cruelty of the contem- 
plated attack was sensibly felt, intended, it was not doubted, 
like that on the Munty settlement, to effectuate the entire ex- 
pulsion of the whole people. It being in the midst of winter, 
those given the least to despondence, looked to the probable 
issue with extreme inquietude, for defeat would assuredly de- 
vote the valley to flames, and the inhabitants to famine. Seven 
hundred men! nearly double the force Westmoreland could 
bring into the field. Of those who had taken the Freeman's 
oath, the whole number amounted to two hundred and eighty- 
five, and of these several came from the Lackawaxen settle- 
ment, forty miles east of Wyoming, a few from Coshutunk, on 


the Delaware, and many aged men were on the list. There 
were probably in the valley twenty or thirty persons like David 
Meade, holding a Connecticut right, yet in heart and hand, if 
need be, being secretly Pennsylvania landholders, who, if they 
took no open part, wished success to the enterprise of Plunket, 
and at a proper moment would have lent their efficient aid in 
his behalf. These, of course, never took the Freeman's oath. 
The young men from fifteen to twenty-one rallied wath spirit on 
the occasion. On the 20th of December, the invading army was 
announced as having arrived at the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, 
making their way now more slowly, as the ice was gathering in 
the river, and checking the passage of their boats. Never did 
more earnest prayers ascend to Heaven for snow^s of Lapland 
to impede the march of the army, and the ice of the Arctic Cir- 
cle to arrest their voyage." 

Again Congress interposed, and on the 20th of December, 
adopted the following most important proceedings: *'The 
Congress, taking into consideration the dispute between the 
people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the waters of the 
Susquehanna, came to the following resolution: "Whereas, a 
dispute subsists between some of the inhabitants of the colony 
of Connecticut, settled under the claim of the said colony, on 
land near Wyoming, on the Susquehanna River, and in the 
Delaware country, and the inhabitants settled under the claim 
of the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, which dispute, it is appre- 
hended, will, if not suspended during the present troubles in the 
colonies, be productive of pernicious consequences, w-hich may 
be very prejudicial to the common interests of the United Col- 
onies, therefore Resolves, That it is the opinion of this Congress, 
and it is accordingly recommended, that the contending parties 
immediately cease all hostilities and avoid every appearance of 
force until the dispute can be legally decided. That all property 
taken and detained be immediately restored to the original own- 
ers; that no interruption be given by either party to the free pass- 
ing and repassing of persons behaving themselves peaceably 
through the disputed territory, as well by land as by water, with- 
out molestation of either persons or property; that all persons 
seized and detained on account of said dispute on either side, be 
dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes, and that 
things being put in the same condition they w^ere before the late 


unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably on 
their respective possessions and improvements until a legal de- 
cision can be had on said dispute, or this Congress • shall take 
further order thereon, and nothing herein done shall be construed 
in prejudice of the claim of either party.'* 

**But they came too late to arrest the attack of Col. Plunket, 
whose force had arrived on the 23d, at the southwestern opening 
of the valley. Colonel Zebulon Butler, who commanded the 
Yankees, by the most strenuous exertions had mustered about 
three hundred men and boys, but there were not gtms enough to 
arm the whole, and several appeared on the ground with scythes 
fastened on handles, projecting straight as possible — a formidable 
weapon in the hands of an active soldier if they should be brought 
to close quarters, but otherwise useless. These weapons the men 
called, sportively, "the end of time." On the night of the 23d he 
encamped on a flat near the union of Harvey's creek with the river. 
From this point he despatched Major Garret, his second in com- 
mand, to visit Colonel Plunket with a flag, and desire to know the 
meaning of his extraordinary movements, and to demand his in- 
tentions in approaching Wyoming with so imposing a military 
array. The answer given was, that he came peaceably as an at- 
tendant on Sheriff Cook, who was authorized to arrest several 
persons at Wyoming for violating the laws of Pennsylvania, and 
he trusted there would be no opposition to a measure so reasonable 
and pacific. Major Garret reported that the enemy outnumbered 
the Yankees more than two to one. *The conflict will be a 
sharp one, boys,' said he; *I, for one, am ready to die, if need be, 
for my country.' Things wore an aspect different from what 
they had done formerly. Men, then, were almost the only in- 
habitants. Now the valley abounded with old men, women and 
children, brought out by the confidence inspired by three years of 
peace and prosperity. It was a season of gloomy apprehension." 
"Colonel Butler was humane as he was brave, politic as he was 
undaunted. Several positions existed below the Nanticoke falls 
where the river leaves the valley, and takes its way for four or five 
miles between precipitous mountains, w^here a stand might have 
been made with almost certain success. It was thought better, 
however justifiable as would have been such a course, to await the 
attack within the valley itself. Orders w^ere also given to this 
effect, not to take life unless rendered unavoidable in self defence. 

396 plunket's invasion. 

Leaving Ensign Mason Fitch Alden, with eighteen men, on the 
ground where he had bivouacked. Colonel Butler retired in the 
morning of the 23d, and detached Captain Stewart with twenty- 
men across to the east side of the river, above Nanticoke falls, 
with orders to lie in ambush and prevent any boat's crew from 
landing on that shore. On the morning of the 24th, about 11 
o'clock, Ensign Alden was apprised of the approach of Plunket 
and his army, and retiring slowly and in order, was followed by 
their vanguard, who came up with martial music playing. Keep- 
ing at a respectful distance, no shot was fired from either side, 
and Alden, joining Colonel Butler, reported the approach of the 
foe. Displaying his column on the flat just abandoned by the 
Yankees, Colonel Plunket directed a spirited advance in pursuit of 
Alden, not doubting but that the main force of the Yankees was 
near and the hour of battle had come. In less than thirty minutes 
the advancing line was arrested by the word. 'Halt !' and Plunket, 
who was in the front a little on the right, observing Colonel But- 
ler's position, was heard to exclaim: *My God. what a breast- 

"Harvey's creek, coming in from the north, cuts the high moun- 
tain, which here approaches the river, deep to its base. A pre- 
cipitous ledge of rocks from near the summit runs southerly to 
the river, presenting to the west by south a loftly natural barrier 
for a mile along the ravine, and where the defence was not per- 
fect Colonel Butler had made it so by ramparts of logs, so that it 
would require a powerful, as w^ell as bold, enemy to dislodge him. 
Nothing could have been more perfectly military than the selec- 
tion of the spot and the whole preparation of defence. So it was 
regarded by his soldiers. Mr. John Carey says in respect to the 
conduct of Colonel Butler in all that afifair: *I loved the man; 
he was an honor to the human species.' Such a declaration speaks 
the merits of Colonel Butler in language more impressive than the 
most labored eulogium. To take life was not the object, but or- 
ders were given for a general discharge all along the line of the 
defence by platoons, so as to impress Colonel Plunket with a proi>- 
er idea of the strength and spirit of its defenders. No one was 
hurt, but considerable confusion was seen to prevail in his ranks as 
Plunket's men recoiled from the formidable breastwork. A boat 
was forthwith despatched by him, with a number of soldiers, to 
the opposite shore, it being the intention of the invaders to cross 


over and enter the settlement by a way apparently less obstructed, 
for Sheriflf Cook to serve his civil process. The passage of the 
boat and crew was watched by both parties with intense anxiety. 
A few minutes decided its fate. As it approached the shore, Cap- 
tain Stewart opened a fire, which wounded one man and killed a 
dog that was on board, probably specially aimed at, when, instant- 
ly pulling their oars with a will, the men gained the suction of 
the falls, through which they sped among the breakers with the 
rapid flight of an arrow, fortunately without further injury. 

Thus closed the battle for the day. Colonel Plunket retired 
and encamped on the ground occupied by Colonel Butler two 
nights previously. Early on the ensuing morning the contest was 
renewed, Colonel Plunket returning to the attack, and determining 
to outflanlc the Yankees, while at the same moment he should 
storm the breastwork. His troops displayed, they approached the 
line of Yankee defence, covering themselves by trees and loose 
rocks which lay below, and opened a spirited fire all along the line. 
While he thus assailed Colonel Butler in front, a detachment of 
his most alert and determined men was sent up the mountain on 
the left by a rapid march, concealed as much as possible, to turn 
the right flank of the Connecticut people. But this danger having 
been foreseen and guarded against, the flanking party was re- 
pelled. During this contest several lives were lost and a number 
on both sides wounded; how many, no record has been kept. 
Finding Colonel Butler's position too strong to be carried by 
storm, Colonel Plunket concluded his rash enterprise by a retreat. 
On Christmas day he withdrew his troops, they marching as they 
had come up, on the west side of the river. In the meantime a 
party of the Yankees followed on the east side with a view to cap- 
ture one of the boats, but Mr. Harvey, who was a prisoner on 
board, calling to them not to fire, for they might injure their 
friends, they returned and left the retreating army to pass down 
without further pursuit. However zealous Colonel Plunket and 
some of his troops may have been, the great body of them were 
extremely indisposed to adopt the harsh measures proposed 
against the Connecticut people. Though zealous for the rights 
of Pennsylvania, an impression prevailed that the Connecticut 
l)eople, though in error, honestly believed their title good, and it 
was thought by most of them that some peaceable mode of settling 
the controversy would be preferable to a resort to violence and 



FOUR DAYS after the retreat of Colonel Plunket, the en- 
tire settlement at Wyoming came together in Town 
Meeting. This was a system of government that was 
equal in importance to the Wittenagemote of the ancient 
Saxons. Although the settlers of Wyoming had a bad 
name for lawlessness and hilarity, they were the descend- 
ants of Puritans, and maintained, to a degree that was 
surprising, the restrictions in social affairs that belonged 
to the times of their fathers. Few amusements were allow- 
ed, but there were some that were considered allowable, even 
though they did test the strength and endurance of the compet- 
itors. At Town Meeting, while those interested in the affairs of 
the town soberly gave themselves to law-making and the pub- 
lic good, the younger men indulged in the sports that tried their 
strength and nerve. They threw the bar and rolled the bul- 
let, and wrestled standing face to face, the right hand in each 
other's collar, the left, hold of each other's elbow, the play with 
the feet, and the expert trip and twitch, afforded a fine oppor- 
tunity to display activity and skill. Or the parties took each 
other round the back, seizing by the waist-band, the hands in- 
terlocked, and then came the less neat and scientific, but more 
arduous struggle, the result depending greatly on strength. 
There was wrestling, rough and tumble, and foot racing by the 
lads. Of course, there were their heroes, who did wonderful 
things. One of these was William Hibbard, who would cause 
a twine to be stretched so high that he could pass under it just 
touching his hair, then stepping back a rod or two, he would 
leap like a deer, so light, so airy, as scarcely to touch the earth, 
and clear it with ease at a bound. The victory over the Penn- 
sylvania forces was thus turned into especial rejoicing, and the 
pride of the settlers ran high. But this was only the beginning 
of their real trouble, for the war was just beginning, and it was 

The Massacre. 


destined to drench their fair fields with the blood, not only of 
their strongest, but of their old men and mothers, and even the 
tender children in arms." 

We now turn over the pages of the days until we reach the 
time when the entire frontier was in daily apprehension of a 
descent of the savage hordes. Let us remember that one thou- 
sand of the bravest youths of Wyoming, at the call of Congress, 
had gone to fight for liberty, and that the valley was depleted 
of its strength. 

"The concentration of the enemy at Newtown and Tioga, 
and the preparation of boats and canoes being known, every 
man who could bear arms was called into service and trained. 
Two deserters from the British army were in the valley, one by 
the name of Pike, who had fled from Boston several years be- 
fore; the other named Boyd, a fine active young fellow, from 
Canada ; the latter, a sergeant, was particularly useful in train- 
ing the militia. Large bodies were sent up the river as scouts, 
and as the Yankee woodsmen, crossing the stream on falling 
trees, would run over the roaring flood with the agility of the 
wild cat, the two foreigners, sitting astride of the log, hitching 
themselves awkwardly across, excited great merriment among 
their companions. The forts were now filled with women and 
children. Every company of the militia was ordered to be 
ready, at a moment's warning — all was bustle and anxiety. 
Care sat on every brow, and fear on many a heart too firm to 
allow a breath of apprehension to escape the lips. The one and 
only cannon, the four-pounder, was in Wilkesbarre Fort. Hav- 
ing no ball it was kept as an alarm gun. The indispensable la- 
bors of the field were performed by armed men. Soon and cer- 
tainly the attack would be made was known; but the precise 
time could not be calculated, for the enemy could descend the 
river, slightly swollen, at the rate of five miles an hour, and 
could, therefore, be in the settlement in less than a day from 
leaving their rendezvous. So usually is there a rise of water 
in summer, that the June fresh is a familiar phrase, and had, it 
was supposed, been fixed upon for their embarkation. Leav- 
ing the lovely and unprotected valley in all its beauty, the fields 
waving with the abundance of a rich harvest, but the people, 
like a covey of partridges, cowering beneath a flock of blood 
scenting vultures, that soared above, ready to pounce on their 


prey; or like a flock of sheep huddled together in their pen, 
while the prowling wolves already sent their impatient howl 
across the fields, impatient for their victims, we proceed to state 
one of the most impudent attempts at treachery and deception 
ever recorded. It is know^n the Indian prides himself on his 
cunning. It is equally honorable to take a scalp by stratagem 
as by force. So secure were they of Wyoming that the whole 
expedition seems to have been a matter of sport, a holiday gam- 
ble with the savages. The Senecas were the nation principally 
concerned in the expedition, although detachments from the 
Mohawks, and other tribes, accompanied them. While the 
enemy were concentrating at their rendezvous, a delegation of 
Seneca chiefs, daringly presuming on the stolidity of Congress, 
repaired to Philadelphia, ostensibly to negotiate, really to 
amuse, put them ofl^ their guard, and prevent any troops being 
sent to the threatened frontier. Nor did the bold and dextrous 
chiefs leave the city until the fatal blow was struck, as an ex- 
tract from the journals will show. (July 8, 1778. Resolved, 
That the Board of War be directed to send for the Seneca chiefs 
that have lately quitted Philadelphia, and inquire whether the 
Seneca nation, as such, have committed hostilities against us). 
The chiefs refused to return. Why should they? Their er- 
rand was accomplished! The enemy, numbering about four 
hundred British Provincials, consisted of Colonel John Butler's 
Rangers, a detachment of Sir John Johnson's Royal Greens, 
the rest being Tories from Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New 
York, together with six or seven hundred Indians, under the 
command of Sakayenguaraghton, (the old King of the Senecas, 
who directed the entire plan culminating in the massacre.) 
Having descended the Susquehanna from Tioga Point, they 
landed not far below Bowman's Creek on the west side of the 
river, in a north direction, about tw^enty miles above the val- 
ley. Securing their boats, they marched across the peninsula, 
and arrived on the western mountain on the evening of the 29th, 
or the morning of the 30th of June.'' 

"The little anny of the Americans consisted of six regular 
companies. In addition to these the Judges of the Court and all 
the civil officers who were near, went out. Many old men — some 
of them grandfathers — took their muskets and marched to the 
field. For instance, the aged Mr. Searle, of Kingston, was one. 


Having become bald, he wore a wig. Taking out his silver knee 
buckles, he said to his family, *If I fall I shall not need them; if 
I come back they will be safe here/ Nothing could have been 
more incongruous, more pitiably unfit, than the mingling of such 
aged men in the rough onset of battle. Dire was the necessity 
that compelled it. The old gentleman had a number of grand- 
children. Several boys from fourteen to sixteen are known to have 
been on the field. There was a company at Pittston of thirty or 
forty men, under Capt. Blanchard, stationed at the Fort to guard 
the people there. To leave them and march to Forty Fort would 
be to expose them to certain destruction, for the enemy was in 
sight on the opposite bank of the river. Captain Franklin's com- 
pany, from Huntingdon and Salem, had not arrived. The other 
companies of the regiment were at Capouse, and at the Lackaway 
settlement, too far oflf to afford assistance, so that there were about 
two hundred and thirty enrolled men and seventy old people, boys, 
civil magistrates and other volunteers. 

^'Everything was judiciously disposed and conducted in a 
strictly military and prudent manner. Colonel Butler made a 
very brief address just before he ordered the column to display. 
'Men, yonder is the enemy. The fate of the Hardings tells us what 
we have to expect if defeated. We come out to fight, not only for 
liberty, but for life itself, and what is dearer, to preserve our 
homes from conflagration, our women and children from the 
tomahawk. Stand firm the first shock, and the Indians will give 
way. Every man to his duty.' 

**About four in the afternoon the battle began. Colonel Zebu- 
Ion Butler ordered his men to fire, and at each discharge to ad- 
vance a step. Along the whole line the discharges were rapid and 
steady. It was evident on the more open ground the Yankees 
were doing most execution. As our men advanced, pouring in 
their platoon fire with great vivacity, the British line gave way in 
spite of all their officers' efforts to prevent it. The Indian flank- 
ing party on our right kept up, from their hiding place, a galling 
fire. On the British Butler's right, his Indian warriors were 
sharply engaged. They seemed to be divided into six bands, for 
a yell would be raised at one end of their line, taken up and carried 
through six distinct bodies, at each time repeating the cry. As 
the battle waxed warmer, that fearful yell was renewed again and 
again, with more and more spirit. It appeared to be at once their 



animating shout and their signal of communication. For half an 
hour a hot fire had been given and sustained, when the vastly su- 
perior numbers of the enemy began to develop its power. The 
Indians had thrown into the swamp a large force, which now com- 
pletely out-flanked our left. It was impossible it should be other- 
wise. That wing was thrown into confusion. Colonel Denni- 
son gave orders that the company of Whittlesey should wheel 
back, so as to form an angle with the main line, and thus present 
his front, instead of his flank, to the enemy. The diflftculty of 
performing evolutions by the bravest militia on the field under a 
hot fire is well known. On the attempt the savages rushed in 
with horrid yells. Some had mistaken the order to fall back as 
one to retreat, and that fatal word ran along the line. Utter con- 
fusion now prevailed on the left. Seeing the disorder, and his 
own men beginning to give way. Colonel Zebulon Butler threw 
himself between the fires of the opposing ranks and rode up and 
down the line in the most reckless exposure. 'Don't leave me, my 
children, and the victory is ours.' But it was too late. 

"Still on the fated left men stood their ground. *See,' said 
Westover to George Cooper, *our men are all retreating; shall we 
go?' *ril have one more shot first,' was the reply. At that mo- 
ment a ball struck a tree by his head, and an Indian springing to- 
wards him with his spear, Cooper drew up his rifle and fired ; the 
Indian sprung several feet from the ground, and fell prostrate on 
his face. 'Come,' said Westover. 'I'll load first,' replied Cooper, 
and it is probable this coolness saved them, for the great body of 
savages had dashed forward after the flying, and were far in their 
rear. On the right one of his officers said to Captain Hewitt: 
'The day is lost ; see, the Indians are sixty rods in our rear ; shall 
we retreat?' 'I'll be d — d if I do,' was his answer. 'Drummer 
strike up,' cried he, and strove to rally his men. Every effort was 
vain. Thus he fought and there he fell. Every captain that led 
a company into action was slain, and in every instance fell on or 
near the line. They died at the head of their men. They fought 
bravely — every man and officer did his duty — but they were over- 
powered by three-fold their force. In point of numbers the 
enemy were overwhelmingly superior. 

"The battle being ended, the massacre began. A portion of 
the Indian flanking party pushed forward in the rear of the Con- 
necticut line, to cut off retreat to Forty Fort, and then pressed the 


retreating army towards the river. Monocksy Island afforded 
the only hope of crossing; the stream of flight flowed in that di- 
rection through fields of grain. Cooper and those who remained 
near the line of battle saw the main body of the Indians hastening 
after the fugitives. At Forty Fort the bank of the river was lined 
by anxious wives and mothers awaiting the issue. Hearing the 
firing sharply continued, now hope arose ; but when the shots be- 
came irregular and approached nearer and nearer, that hope sank 
in dismay. Lieutenant Gore, whose arm was shattered early in 
the action, being intercepted in an attempt to retreat the way he 
had marched up, secreted himself in a thick covert of bushes and 
briars, near the road, in the descending bank. Indians ran past 
him, their attention being directed towards those who were flying 
through the flats. One stood very near, gazed a moment, drew 
up his rifle and fired. Raising a yell, he rushed forward, prob- 
ably to scalp his victim. 

**At the river, near the island, the scene was exceedingly dis- 
tressing. A few swam over and escaped. Closely pressed, many 
were killed in the river. Sergeant Jeremiah Bigford, a very ac- 
tive man, was pursued by an Indian into the stream with a spear ; 
Bigford faced him, struck the spear from his hand and seizing 
him by the neck, dashed him under his feet, where he would have 
drowned, but another savage rushed forward to his aid aod ran 
his spear through Bigford's breast, who fell dead and floated 
away. One of the fugitives, by the name of Pensil, sought se- 
curity by hiding in a cluster of willows on the island. Seeing his 
Tory brother come up, and recognizing him, he threw himself at 
his feet, begging for protection, and proffered to serve him for life 
if he would save him. ^Mighty well!' was the taunting reply. 
* You darned rebel !' and instantly shot him dead. It was a dread- 
ful hour ; men seemed transformed into demons. The worst pas- 
sions raged with wild and desolating fury. All the sweet chari- 
ties of life seemed extinguished. Lieutenant Shoemaker, one of the 
most generous and benevolent-hearted of men, whose wealth en- 
abled him to dispense charity and do good, which was a delight to 
him, fled to the river, when Windecker, w^ho had often fed at 
his board and drank of his cup, came to the brink. 'Come out, 
come out,' said he; *you know I will protect you.' How could 
he doubt it? Windecker reached out his left hand as if to lead 
him, much exhausted, ashore, and dashed his tomahawk into the 
head of his benefactor, who fell back and floated away. 


"Many prisoners were lured ashore by promise of quarter, 
and then butchered. The accurate Indian marksmen, sure of 
their prey, had coolly singled out officers, and broke the thigh 
bone, it is supposed, as so many are found perforated, so as ef- 
fectually to disable, but leaving the victim alive for torture. 
Captain Bidlack was thrown alive on the burning logs of the 
fort, held down with pitchforks, and there tortured till he ex- 
pired. Prisoners taken under solemn promise of quarter were 
gathered together and placed in circles. Sixteen or eighteen 
were arranged around one large stone, since known as the 
bloody rock. Surrounded by a body of Indians, Queen Esther, 
a fury in the form of a w^oman, assumed the office of executioner 
with death-maul or tomahawk, for she used the one with both 
hands, or took up the other with one, and passing around the 
circle with w^ords, as if singing, or counting with a cadence, she 
w^ould dash out the brains, or sink the tomahawk into the head 
of a prisoner. The mangled bodies of fourteen or fifteen wxre 
afterward found round the rock where they had fallen, scalped 
and horribly mangled. Nine more were found in a similar cir- 
cle some distance above.'' 

^'Colonel Zebulon Butler repaired to the Wilkesbarre Fort 
and cast himself exhausted on the ground. Colonel Dennison 
took up his quarters at Forty Fort, gathered the few soldiers 
who had come in — placed sentinels, and took all the precautions 
in his power, dictated by prudence, to guard against surprise, 
and save the women and children. The night throughout the 
valley was one of inexpressible anguish and despair. Although 
darkness put an end to the pursuit, and most of the prisoners 
had been barbarously butchered, some who were supposed to 
be special objects of hate were selected for slower torture, and 
the execution of more savage vengeance. It may be some un- 
guarded word — perhaps the refusal in gone-by years of w^his- 
key to an importunate Indian; some fancied or real wrong; or, 
it is thought by some, to satiate the revenge of Indians who had 
lost relations in the fight; whatever may have been the motive 
the vast depths of hell, boiling with demoniac passions, never 
could have devised or executed such horrid tortures as many 
of the Connecticut prisoners were that night doomed to en- 
dure. On the river bank, on the Pittston side, Captain Blanch- 
ard, Esquire Whitaker and Ishmael Bennet, attracted by fires 



among trees, took their station and witnessed the process of 
torture. Several naked men in the midst of flames were driven 
round a stake; their groans and screams were most piteous, 
while the shouts and yells of the savages, who danced around, 
urging the victims on with their spears, were too horrible to be 
endured. They were powerless to help or avenge, and w^ith- 
drew heartsick from a view of their horrid orgies— glad that 
they did not know who were the sufferers. On the battle- 
ground the work of torture lasted till vengeance, satiated and 
weary, dropped the knife and torch from exhaustion. In the 
morning the battlefield was strewn with limbs and bodies torn 
apart, mangled and partially consumed. The Indians secured 
two hundred and thirty-seven scalps of the Connecticut people 
killed that day, while only one hundred and forty escaped. 
Squaws followed the Indian warriors, hideously smeared with 
brains and blood, bringing strings of scalps ; of which, with more 
than a demon's malice, thev would smell and exultingly exclaim, 
"Yankee blood." 

Lazarus Stewart's Block House. 



DURING THE times of adjustment of the varied interests 
in the colonial regime, there were many cases of injus- 
tice.vvhich were not intended to be such, but arose from 
misunderstandings concerning the foundation of rights. In 
the affair of the Connecticut colonists within the border of 
Pennsylvania, there were the conflicting interests of parties fav- 
ored by the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and those who claimed 
rights under the Connecticut charter. In the review of the 
case, as w^e will show, the Council of Censors, the final court of 
appeal in Pennsylvania, rebuked the unfair and unscrupulous 
haste of the Assembly in their action. But the Assembly sim- 
ply ignored the judgment of the Censors and thus violated the 
principles of government under which they were existing. This 
showed the extremity of their case. There is on record the 
following : 

'Troclamation respecting Connecticut Claimants, Janu- 
ary 6th, 1783: 

"By the President and Supreme Executive Council 
of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Whereas, the 
Court of Commissioners, constituted and declared by the 
United States, in Congress assembled, to hear and finally 
determine the controversy between this State and the State 
of Connecticut respecting sundry lands lying within the 
northern boundary of this State, having heard the said 
States respectively, thereupon proceeded, on the thirtieth 
day of December past, to give judgment in the words, fol- 
lowing, to wit: *\\'e are unanimously of the opinion that 
the State of Connecticut has no right to the lands in contro- 
versy. We are also unanimously of opinion that the jurisdic- 
tion and pre-emption of all the territory lying within the char- 
ter boundary of Pennsylvania and now claimed by the State of 
Connecticut do of right belong to the State of Pennsylvania. 


We have thought fit to make known and proclaim, and do here- 
by make known and proclaim, the same. And we do hereby 
charge, enjoin, and require all persons whatsoever, and more 
especially such person or persons who, under the authority or 
countenance of the late colony, now State of Connecticut, either 
before or since the Declaration of Independence, have entered 
upon and settled lands within the bounds of this State, to take 
notice of the said judgment, and pay the obedience to the laws of 
this commonwealth. And whereas, there is reason to fear that 
the animosities and resentments which may have arisen between 
the people, who, under the authority or countenance of the said 
late colony, now State as aforesaid, have made settlements with- 
in the bounds of this State, and the citizens of Pennsylvania, who 
claim the lands whereon such settlements have been made, may 
induce some of the latter to endeavor to gain possession of the 
said lands by force and violence, contrary to law, whereby the 
peace of the State may be endangered and individuals greatly 
injured, we do hereby strictly charge, enjoin, and require all 
persons whatsoever to forbear molesting or in anywise disturb- 
ing any person or persons who, under the authority or counte- 
nance of the late colony, now State of Connecticut, as afore- 
said, have settled lands within the bounds of this State, until the 
legislature or the courts of justice shall have made laws, or have 
passed judgment in such case as to right and justice may appear to 
belong, as such persons offending therein shall answer the con- 
trary at their peril. And we do hereby charge, enjoin and re- 
quire all judges, justices, sheriffs and other peace officers, to use 
their authority to prevent offences and to punish according to law 
all offences committed, or to be committed, against any of the peo- 
ple so as aforesaid settled under the authority or countenance of 
the said late colony, now State of Connecticut, as aforesaid, on 
lands within this State, and who pay due obedience to the law^s 
thereof as in case of like offences against any citizen of this State. 
Given in council, under the hand of the president and the seal of 
the State, at Philadelphia, the sixth day of January, in the year of 
our Lord 1783. John Dickinson, President.'* 

The state of feeling throughout the valley w^as such that re- 
bellion was manifested by those who felt the injustice of the course 
pursued toward them. The officers of the law immediately in the 
district were partisans of the worst type, and were cruel beyond 


all endurance. Frederick Antes, the Presiding Judge at North- 
umberland, was rather friendly to the Wyoming people, and when 
he was a candidate for the Assembly, voters came sixty miles 
down the river to the polling place to vote for him. But this 
caused the Assembly to throw^ out these votes, thus seating the one 
who represented the opposition. But at that time Henry Antes, 
as a candidate for sheriff, had no opposition, and was therefore 
the unanimous choice of the county, which was a rare testimonial 
to the man's popularity among all classes on the frontier. The 
treatment received in the Wyoming district from the Pennsylvania 
officers is well seen in the following statement of the experience 
of the famous warrior, Zebulon Butler, the heroic defender of 
the people against the Indians, when the awful massacre occurred. 
"Colonel Zebulon Butler (by whom Patterson had, in 1770, 
been starved out and made a prisoner) returned from the army 
w^ith his lady, arriving at Wilkesbarre on the 20th of August. 
How welcome was his presence to friend or foe may be easily im- 
agined. The licentious soldiery, released from the restraints of 
discipline, which the presence of an enemy tends to enforce, and 
encouraged by the civil authority, became extremely rude and 
oppressive. They took, without leave, whatever they fancied. 
Several persons had been arrested and brought before Captain 
Shrawder. Colonel Butler, indignant at the treatment the in- 
habitants suffered, expressed his opinion freely, and for himself 
said he was going to camp, was still a continental officer and swore 
his soldier oath — **set fire to 'em — ^they shall not stop me." It was 
enough. A writ was issued and Colonel Butler arrested on the 
24th of September, as it was said, for high treason. Surrounded 
by a guard of soldiers, he was conveyed to the Fort and treated 
with great indignity. The next day, under a military guard, the 
gallant veteran was sent, by Esquire Patterson, to Sunbury, a dis- 
tance of sixty miles. When delivered at the jail, lo ! there w^as no 
mittimus directing Sheriff Antes to hold the prisoner in custody 
until more accurate documents could be procured from Justice 
Patterson. Very soon after, satisfactory bail being offered. Sher- 
iff Antes set Colonel Butler at liberty, and he returned to his fam- 
ily. Thus the patriot soldier, who had served with reputation 
through the war, had periled his life again and again for Wyom- 
ing, in one short month from his arrival at his home was seized, 
and, without law, cast into prison as a felon." 


Patterson's explanation of the affair is seen in the following 
letter, in which he attempts to prevent the commission as sheriff 
being issued to Henry Antes : 

Justice Patterson to John Dickinson. * 'Londonderry (Wil- 
kesbarre), Dec. 20th, 1783. Sir: Since Mr. Meade and I wrote 
you last, the purport of which was informing the measures taken 
to have in confinement that flagrant offender, Colonel Zebulon 
Butler, who has threatened the dissolution of the citizens of this 
State and its laws. Notwithstanding he was committed from 
under the hands and seals of three justices of the peace for trea- 
son, he has found security and is sent back to this place to the ter- 
ror of the good citizens in this neighborhood. The sheriff has 
not done his duty, nor do I believe he intends it, being a party man, 
among which I am sorry to see so little principles of humanity 
and honor, men wdio wish for popularity at the expense of the 
property, and perhaps blood, of their fellow citizens. Strange as 
it may appear, it is absolutely true, that the banditti at Wyoming 
have been solicited for their votes at the election, caressed and 
patronized in their villainy, encouraged in their claims to land 
which they now hold, in violation of all law, from men who have 
distinguished themselves and taken a very decided part in the late 
Revolution. Sure I am that it would be an act of justice not to 
commissionate Antes; the other person on the return I do not 
know, but worse he cannot be. Pardon this freedom. Nothing 
but a w^ish for the peace of the citizens would have induced me to 
have said so much upon this head. I have wrote the Chief Justice 
concerning Butler, and have prevailed upon the bearer. Captain 
John Dick, to carry these despatches ; he will return to this place 
and may be depended upon. I am very uneasy, having heard 
nothing of Major Moore. I wish he was here. I hope your ex- 
cellency will think it right to order the troops forward as soon 
as possible. I have the honor to be, wnth the sentiments of highest 
esteem. Your most obedient humble servant. Alexander Pat- 

The official record of Antes' action is as follows : 

"Northumberland County, ss. To the sheriff, under sheriff, 
or goaler [seal] : These are in the name of the Commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania to require and command you that you receive 
into your custody in the goal of said county the body of Zebulon 
Butler, charged of treason and extremely dangerous, as appears 


to US, the subscribers, justices assigned to keep the peace of said 
county, from sundry depositions and information before us. And 
that you safely keep the said Zebulon Butler in said goal until he 
is discharged therefrom by law. Given under our hand and seals, 
October 9th, 1783. Alexander Patterson, John Seeley, David 

"Northumberland, November nth, 1783. Sir: Upon re- 
consideration of the note I have wrote you by Mr. John Mead, 
I do not wish you to consider it in any manner as a summons 
to come to Sunbury, and I therefore order John Mead, or any 
other messenger of mine, who may have you in custody, imme- 
diately to enlarge you, and suffer you to go home or elsewhere 
within the county of Northumberland, until Court, or further 
orders from me. Witness my hand and seal the day and year 
above. Henry Antes, Sheriff.'' 

** Northumberland County, ss. John Mead, being at this 
time a goaler of the county aforesaid, saith: That on the 
eighth of November last, being sent up to Wyoming by Henry 
Antes, High Sheriff of the county, the said Sheriff delivered 
him a paper directing him to apprehend Colonel Zebulon But- 
ler, and bring him to Sunbury goal, and to keep him safely 
agreeable to a Mittimus, which the Sheriff acknowledged to be 
in his hands. This deponent accordingly apprehended the said 
Butler at Wyoming, and brought him down with him to North- 
umberland town, where he was met by the Sheriff, General Pot- 
ter, William Shaw, Esquire, William Boram and Captain Rob- 
inson. The Sheriff then took the said Butler from him, desir- 
ing him to let said Butler go and he would clear him for so do- 
ing. The Sheriff afterward delivered a paper to this deponent, 
by way of indemnifying the deponent and letting said Butler go. 
It seems to be a copy of an original by the Sheriff to said But- 
ler, but was signed by. the Sheriff himself. John Mead. Sworn 
and subscribed the 13th of November, 1783, before John Buyers 
and Christian Gettig, Esquires.'' 

The following account shows Patterson's manner of doing: 
**On the first of October Captain Franklin was arrested on a 
charge of trespass for proceeding to farm his land, and brought 
before Justice Patterson. Mr. F. plead title, and desired a fair 
trial by Court, and jury might decide the matter. Such course 
not according with his policy, he was dismissed by the Justice. 


Captain Christie arrived with his company on the 29th of Oc- 
tober, and forthwith the two companies of soldiers were quar- 
tered upon the inhabitants ; in some instances, where special op- 
pression was meditated, eight and ten were placed with one fam- 
ily. Colonel Butler was particularly distinguished by having 
twenty billeted upon him, the more distressingly unwelcome 
as Mrs. Butler was recently confined. The house being small, 
hastily erected after the conflagration of the savages, the peo- 
ple poor, and the soldiers insolent, their sufferings were exceed- 
ingly severe, too great for human nature to patiently bear. But 
seeing it w^as the purpose to drive them to some act of despera- 
tion, the injury and insults w^ere borne with forbearance and 
fortitude. His strength now being equal to any probable emer- 
gency, Justice Patterson proceeded to adopt measures of 
greater energy. October ist the settlement of Shawney was in- 
vaded by the military, headed by the Justice in person, and 
eleven respectable citizens arrested and sent under guard to the 
fort. Among the prisoners was Major Prince Alden, sixty-five 
years old, feeble from age and suffering from disease. Com- 
passion yielded nothing to alleviate his sufferings. Captain 
James Bidlack was also arrested. He was between sixty and 
seventy. His son of the same name had fallen at the head of 
his company in the Indian battle ; another son had served in the 
army through the Revolutionary war. Mr. B. himself had 
been taken by the savages and suffered a tedious captivity 
in Canada. All this availed him nothing. Benjamin Harvey, 
who had been a prisoner to the Indians, was also arrested. Sam- 
uel Ransom, son of Captain Ransom, who fell in the massacre, 
was most rudely treated on being taken. 

** 'Ah, ha!' cried Patterson, *you are the jockey we wanted; 
away with him to the guard house, with old Harvey, another 
damned rascal.' Eleven in all were taken and driven to the 
fort, where they were confined in a room with a mud floor, wet 
and comfortless, with no food, and little fire, which as they were 
sitting round. Captain Christie came in, ordered them to lie 
down on the ground, and bade the guard to blow out the brains 
of anyone who should attempt to rise. Even the staff of the 
aged Mr. Alden was taken from him. On demanding what 
was their offence, and if it was intended to starve them, Patter- 
son tauntingly replied, Terhaps in two or three months we 


shall be at leisure, and you may be set at liberty.' At the in- 
tercession of David Meade, Esquire, three of the elder prisoners 
the next day were liberated, the remaining eight being kept in 
their loathsome prison, some a week, others ten days, and then 
dismissed without arraignment or trial. But the object had 
been accomplished; their several families had been turned out 
of their homes and creatures of Patterson put in possession. 
It is scarcely possible to conceive the insolence of manner as- 
sumed by Justice Patterson. Meeting by accident with Cap- 
tain Caleb Bates and learning his name, *Why have you not 
been to see me, sir?' Captain Bates answered that he did not 
know him. *I will recommend myself to you, sir. I am Es- 
quire Patterson, of Pennsylvania!' and almost instantly or- 
dered a sergeant to take him to the guard house." 

That kind of treatment would not do on the frontier. The 
men w4io braved all kinds of dangers to establish their homes 
where Indians, and floods, and forests, and swamps opposed, 
were not to be frightened by the blustering of such a man as 
Patterson. The more he swore, the louder they replied in the 
same terms. The more bitter were his persecutions, the more 
sturdy were their acts of resistance. The more they showed 
the true temper of their stahvart natures, the more determined 
the State officers were that they should be subdued, for they 
seemed to listen only to the one side of the question. As a con- 
sequence of this determination, the following letters were sent 
to Sheriflf Antes, and to Captain Willson, the Lieutenant of the 
county : 

"John Armstrong, Secretary of Council, to Henry Antes, 
July 29th, 1784. By the enclosed resolution, you will find it 
the intention of Government to proceed with the utmost energy 
against every person, without discrimination, who has outraged 
the tranquility of the State. By the third resolution you will 
observe the necessity of going hand in hand with Captain Will- 
son, and with him awaiting the farther directions provided for 
by the fourth resolution. The ground opposite the mouth of 
Nescopeck Creek is assigned as the place of rendezvous. Some 
of the writs to be executed are enclosed." 

"John Armstrong to Captain Willson, Lieutenant of 
Northumberland county, July 29th, 1784. Sir: Enclosed, you 
have a copy of some resolutions of Council of this day. They 


are of such a nature as to require your greatest possible indus- 
try and attention. In addition to them I have to tell you that 
Council, from the confidence they have in your capacity and 
attachment, wish you to engage for the supply of the troops 
which may be called forth by your order. The price they pro- 
pose to give is ten and one-half d. per ration. The quantity 
to be produced must depend upon your own calculation, for as this 
business w^ill be subject to much contingency, it is impossible for 
Council to hazard a single conjecture on that score. I have also 
to communicate their wishes that you will not only pay the great- 
est attention to the character of the officers nominated to the com- 
mand of the men, and by all means avoid such as have been dis- 
tinguished by their predilections to either side of the ques- 
tion, but that you will also come on with the troops yourself 
to the ground opposite the mouth of Nescopeck creek, where 
we will endeavor to meet you with the Northampton detachment. 
As it is impossible to calculate with much precision upon the move- 
ments of militia, we cannot venture to name the day on which we 
shall be there, but the probability is that we shall reach it before 
you, as it is our intention to move as expeditiously as possible. If 
so, we will communicate with you by letter or otherwise, and di- 
rect to what other point you are to shape your movements. The 
Sheriff of your county will receive orders of Council to co-operate 
with us, and under the countenance we shall afford be prepared to 
execute the writs which have been issued by the Judicial Author- 
ity. You will remember, also, to bring with you whatever am- 
munition or other public stores that may be deposited at Sunbury ; 
if you should have no powder, you will make a purchase of such 
quantity as will be necessary for your party, as it might be im- 
prudent to come forward without it. I have only to add yet, if 
you should be at the place of rendezvous before us you will take 
such steps as will best secure you against disaster of any kind. 
All this command, however, you are to exercise with great ad- 
dress, and let it appear to be rather the effect of advice and per- 
suasion than the result of authority." 

At this same meeting of the Council, Colonel Frederick Antes 
resigned his position as Presiding Judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas, of the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and of the 
Orphans' Court, to take his seat in the Assembly, to which he had 
just been elected. 


John Armstrong and Mr. Boyd in due time arrived on the 
scene and took charge, ignoring the proper officers of the county. 
Instead of being under the command of the Sheriff, who was the 
true officer, they took things in their own hands, and, as will be 
seen, prevented justice being done, and really aided the people who 
were the most vindictive in the struggle. On their arrival they 
sent a letter to John Dickinson, the President of the Council, and 
received from him the following reply, dated August loth, 
1784: "Gentlemen: We have received your letter by Captain 
Schott, and are in hopes that when the insurgents are convinced 
of the determined resolution of government to insist upon a due 
submission to the authority of the people of Pennsylvania, they 
will desist from further violence. As soon as they are in this dis- 
position you will please to have the proper legal steps taken that 
those who have disturbed the peace, of whatever party they are, 
may be rendered answerable for their conduct. It shall be our 
endeavor, as it is our duty, to impress this principle, that it is ex- 
treme folly for men to expect they shall promote 'their real in- 
terests by a contempt for the laws of their country. The fortifica- 
tions at Wyoming we would have leveled and totally destroyed, 
and the cannons, arms, removed to Sunbury and there safely de- 

Writing of the work done by Armstrong and Boyd, John 
Franklin, one of the leaders of the Connecticut men, records : 
"August 14th. The Locust Hill party being coupled two and two 
in irons, and all bound together with ropes, were sent to Easton 
under guard. As they were marching off, Armstrong gave or- 
ders to the guard, that if any prisoner attempted to make his es- 
cape to put the whole immediately to death, and that government 
would indemnify them for so doing. August 19th. Forty-two 
others were bound together with ropes in a team and sent under 
a military guard to Sunbury goal. The Sheriff of the county 
(Henry Antes) proposed to take charge of the whole that were 
to be sent to Sunbury before they left Wyoming, and to be ac- 
countable for them all, but could not be permitted. In a word, 
during the confinement of the prisoners at Wyoming they were 
treated in a most cruel and barbarous manner, suffered with hun- 
ger, and suffocated in a nauseous prison for the want of fresh air, 
and insulted by a banditti of ruffians ; the prisoners were not even 


suflfered to go out of their house to perform their most necessary 
occasions of nature for the term of nine days. (Franklin.)'' 

In the story of the settlement of Northumberland, we re- 
lated the coming of Robert Martin from the Wyoming Valley, 
driven out by the aggressions of the Connecticut settlers. His 
opinions of them were not at all favorable, and he could relate 
many flagrant instances of their insults and oppressions. At this 
time he was one of the justices of the county, and was sent to the 
valley to do his part in restoring order. He witnessed the doings 
and the arrogance of Armstrong, and was so incensed by it that 
on August 14th, 1784, he wrote the following letter, explaining 
what had been done and how the prejudice of men had overruled 

**I beg leave to give you a detail of matters at this place. 
I must confess I am much disappointed as to the conduct of the 
Commissioners, to wit. Captain Boyd and Colonel Armstrong. 
Esquire Mead and myself repaired to this place in obedience to 
our instructions from Council, a copy of which you will call on 
Council for, and peruse, whereby you'll find we are required by 
every legal means in our power to investigate matters and to pro- 
ceed impartially in order that offenders of every description may 
be brought to justice. At our arrival we found that both the 
Pennsylvania and' Connecticut parties had actually proceeded to 
hostilities, which we are well assured began five miles from the 
garrison, on Shawney Plains, about the 20th of July last. Which 
party first began the fire at that time we cannot, with certainty, 
say ; but we view both parties guilty of hostilities. Previous to this 
it can be proved that numbers of the Connecticut party have been 
fired upon by the other party when they were about their lawful 
business. But to return to the subject of our mission or duty, 
soon after we came to this place we called on the Connecticut party 
in the name of the Commonwealth to lay down their arms and sub- 
mit themselves to the laws. Which they accordingly did. which 
will appear by papers enclosed in our letter to Council of the 6th 
inst. August, and at the same time declaring their willingness at 
all times to be law-abiding. We accordingly made a demand of 
a like nature of Patterson and his party, or in other words, the 
Pennsylvania party ; their answer was that they w^ould comply, but 
said they would everyone be murdered by the Connecticut party. 
We, in answer to them, said we did not apprehend the least 


danger from their opponents, as they had solemnly engaged to us 
they would not molest or hurt one of them on any pretence what- 
ever. We further assured them that we would not ask them to 
deliver their arms to us before we put the arms of the Connecticut 
party on board the boat, within sight of the Garrison ; but all our 
arguments and proposals were to no purpose. Then we returned 
to the Connecticut party and informed them that they were at 
liberty to take up their arms and disperse, and go to their habita- 
tions about their lawful business, which we beli-eve they did, as 
we were of opinion that it would not be prudent to disarm one 
party and not the other. Our proposals to both parties were, that 
if they would submit to the laws and deliver up their arms to us, 
we would put as many of the leading men of both parties as we 
should see proper in custody of the Sheriff, to be taken to Sun- 
bury. Had these proposals been complied with by Patterson and 
his party, we should have had no use for the Commissioners or 
militia, which plan we thought most likely to answer the object of 
government and quiet the minds of the people, and at the same 
time be acting up to our instructions from Council. We had sol- 
emnly engaged to the Connecticut party on their submission they 
should have equal justice with the other party and the benefit of 
the law, which engagement we made known to the Commissioners 
on their arrival, who approved of our conduct and assured us that 
they were sent here to do complete justice, without distinction of 
parties ; which gave us the highest expectations that matters would 
soon be settled in such a manner as w^ould do honor to govern- 
ment; but to our sooner had the Connecticut men 
yielded themselves prisoners and laid dow^n their arms to the Com- 
missioners, they were immediately marched under a strong guard 
and crowded into two small houses unfit for the reception of any 
human being ; at the same time, to the great mortification of those 
prisoners, and contrary, as they say, to the promise of the Com- 
missioners, were insulted by the other party with their arms in 
their hands, which we think by no means accords with the declara- 
tion of the Commissioners, which was that they were sent here 
to do complete justice. It appears very clear to us that the pro- 
ceedings now at this place are carried on so unfairly, partial and 
unlawful that we despair of establishing peace and good order in 
this part of the county; therefore, as for my own part, think it 
not prudent to act for the future in my office unless properly sup- 


ported, as we are very sure nothing short of law, impartially dis- 
tributed, without distinction, will ever restore peace and quiet the 
minds of the people of this place. Sorry we are, and with re- 
luctance we mention the partial proceedings here by the officers of 
government, but at the same time think it our indispensable duty 
to bear testimony against them ; we are much alarmed at the hor- 
rid abuse of power lodged in the hands of designing and biased 
men : we fear eventually it may bring on an intestine war between 
the States, to prevent which we hope the authority of Pennsyl- 
vania will execute justice to every citizen thereof. The Connecticut 
party have generally declared themselves as such by taking the oath 
of allegiance to this State, as directed by law, God forbid that I 
should have any desire or inclination to favor the Connecticut 
party or their claims. I can honestly declare that I should be as 
well pleased to see them legally removed from this place as any 
man in the State, as my interests here are under the Pennsylvania 
right. It must appear to every one acquainted with this circum- 
stance much to my interest to see them dispossessed. I again say 
that I have nothing in view respecting the unhappy dispute here, 
but to do equal justice to every person, as I hope my conduct will 
at all times stand the test and I be esteemed a faithful servant to 

President John Dickinson, whose humanity had been shown 
in desiring supplies to be sent to the inhabitants suffering from 
the ice flood, and whose sense of justice, as well as ideas of policy, 
was shocked by the violences committed on the people, now en- 
couraged by the proceedings of the Council of Censors, interposed 
in this feeling and impressive strain on October 5th, 1784: '*To 
the Supreme Executive Council. Gentlemen : Being still indis- 
posed and unable to attend in Council to-day, I think it my duty, 
notwithstanding what has been already offered, to request that 
you will be pleased further to consider the propriety of calling a 
body of militia into actual service on the intelligence yet received 
and in the manner proposed. If the intention is that the militia 
should assist the Pennsylvania claimants in securing the corn 
planted on the lands from which the settlers were expelled last 
spring, such a procedure will drive those settlers into absolute des- 
pair. They will have no alternative but to fight for the corn, or 
suffer, perhaps to perish for want of it in the coming winter. 
The Commissioners have informed the Council that their deter- 



mination on that alternative will most probably be * * * * 
* * * They will regard this step as the commencement of 
a war against them, and perhaps others, whose sentiments are of 
vastly more importance, may be of the same opinion. I am per- 
fectly convinced of the uncommon merit of Colonel Armstrong, 
but the appointment of an adjutant general upon this occasion 
and bestowing that appointment on the secretary of the Council, 
when it is well known that the settlers view him in the light of an 
enemy, are circumstances that may promote unfavorable construc- 
tion of the conduct of government. The public bodies which have 
lately assembled in this city have fully testified their disapproba- 
tion of hostilities on account of the disputes at Wyoming; and 
upon the whole, there is too much reason to be persuaded that the 
plan now meditated will, if carried into execution, produce very 
unhappy consequences. Knowing the uprightness of your inten- 
tions, gentlemen, I feel great pain in dissenting from your judg- 
ment; and if the measure is pursued, from esteem to you and 
affection for the Commonwealth, I have only to wish, as I most 
heartily do, that I may be proved by the event to have been mis- 

This letter did not restrain the Assembly in their course. 
When the militia were called out, those of Bucks and Berks coun- 
ties refused to go. On September 15th, 1784, the Assembly pass- 
ed a resolution, ordering the settlers to have their possessions re- 
stored to them. 

From this letter it is plainly to be seen the President and 
the Secretary of the Council were not in accord on the manner 
of dealing with the recalcitrant settlers. John Dickinson was 
a thoughtful man, disposed to look honestly and fairly at the 
questions presented to him. His great heart enabled him to 
see how the people would suffer from extreme measures, and he 
had no wish to be thus cruel to them. The Assembly was not 
as courteous, and they acted according to the spirit of intense 
partisans, unrestrained by the more judicious and tender heart 
of their absent President. The attitude of the Assembly laid 
the foundation for action as indicated in the following letters : 

Secretary John Armstrong to John Weitzel, October ist, 
1784. **Sir: It is the desire of Council that you will procure 
and transport a quantity of provisions, viz : flour, beef, salt, 
and rum, as immediately as possible to Wyoming, there to be de- 


posited under the care of such persons as you may appoint to 
receive it. You may calculate upon one hundred men for a 
fortnight. The emergency which makes this business so ex- 
tremely interesting to Council and important to the State will 
not admit of a moment's delay, and makes it necessary again to 
engage vour industry and management in the service of the pub- 

Armstrong to Henry Antes of the same date. *'Sir: You 
are hereby directed to proceed immediately upon the receipt 
of this to raise the posse-comitatus of the county of North- 
umberland, and with them proceed under the direction of the 
Magistracy to apprehend and secure the persons concerned in 
the late violation of the peace at Wyoming, and more particu- 
larly the persons whose names are hereafter mentioned." 

We now come to the final act in the Wyoming affair, so 
far as the Magistracy and the Sheriff of Northumberland county 
are concerned. In 1785, Justice Meade was awakened from 
his slumbers by hearing sounds in his meadow. Looking out 
of his window he saw a number of men mowing in his fields. 
He expressed his protest as vigorously as was possible for him 
to do, but the answer he received was to the effect that there 
was no use trying to fix matters, for it was the old question of 
Yankee and Pennymite, Justice Meade was thoroughly alarm- 
ed, and not knowing what might be done further by these law- 
less neighbors, barricaded his house and prepared to defend his 
possessions. He also sent to the Sheriff at Sunbury, demand- 
ing writs for the arrest of those who had invaded his premises. 
Sheriff Antes did not come in person, but sent his deputy, Ma- 
jor Crawford, who attempted to serve the writs but could not 
find the people, for there were nearly forty of them on the lists. 
Major Crawford left the writs in the hands of Colonel Butler, 
to give to the persons named, and to request them voluntarily 
to present themselves at Sunbury and enter bail for their ap- 
pearance in response to the writs. Justice Meade was so dis- 
pleased by this way of having his case treated, that he entered 
complaint before the Executive Council at Philadelphia. The 
following is the record of their action: 

^'Supreme Executive Council, July nth, 1785. A con- 
ference with the Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court, 
being held, it was resolved, that the Judges of the Supreme 


Court be requested forthwith to take the deposition of William 
W'illson, the person sent down by David Meade, Esquire, to is- 
sue warrants against the rioters and to proceed by way of at- 
tachment against the Sheriff of Northumberland county for 

Although the President, John Dickinson, had been a per- 
sonal acquaintance and friend of Henry Antes for many years, 
the representations that Justice Meade made of the action of the 
Sheriff seemed to mark them as strange and without excuse. 
Laboring under this impression, and knowing how the sympa- 
thies of Sheriff Antes had been with the men now under indict- 
ment, the following letter is written to Sheriff Antes: 

"In Council, July 12th, 1785. Sir: At a conference yes- 
terday with the Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court, 
they produced several depositions representing your conduct as 
very extraordinary and detrimental to the peace of your county. 
We therefore think it our duty, immediately and in the strong- 
est manner, to enjoin your instant and effectual execution of 
any process against offenders at or near Wyoming that has or 
shall come to your hands, and for this purpose, and also to en- 
force due obedience to the laws of the State, you forthwith re- 
pair to that place, where, we understand, many persons are. col- 
lected in a riotous manner, having injured several peaceable citi- 
zens, and threaten further to injure them. Your own prudence 
will dictate to you how interesting your behavior on this occa- 
sion must necessarily be to yourself, as well as to the State. I 
am, sir, your very humble servant, John Dickinson." 

As a result of these statements. Sheriff Antes found it 
necessary to go down to Philadelphia and answer in person the 
charges there presented. Captain Schott was the principal 
witness on the side of Justice Meade. After the Council had 
considered the matter. Sheriff Antes returned to his duties as 
the Sheriff of the county, and Justice Meade returned to his 
home in Wyoming, to arrange his affairs to leave it forever. It 
was clearly seen there could be no more peace for him in that 
place. He had been a faithful servant of the Pennymites in the 
land troubles, and they did not now desert him. A tract of land 
was given him in the western part of the State as compensation 
for his losses, and he removed to it. There he founded the towrn 
of Meadeville, and amassed a considerable fortune from the sale 
of lots. Thus his misfortunes became his good fortune. 



STATEMENT BY Charles Miner of the Wyoming troubles. 
''Meanwhile the inhabitants were not idle. Knowing the 
influence of public opinion, they sent petitions to the 
Pennsylvania Assembly, to the Assembly of Connecticut and to 
Congress, setting forth their wrongs and praying for redress. 
With commendable promptitude, the Pennsylvania Assembly 
appointed the members from Northampton county, viz., Jacob 
Arndt, Jacob Stroud, Jonas Hartzel and Robert Brown, Es- 
quires, a committee to repair to Wyoming and examine into the 
charges made. Having arrived on the 29th of December, and 
given notice to accusers and accused, they proceeded to take 
depositions, remaining in the valley about ten days. Hearing 
that new and ex parte depositions had been sent down by Jus- 
tice Patterson, a second petition was sent forward by the set- 
tlers declaring their entire submission to the constitution and 
laws of Pennsylvania, as became good citizens, and beseeching 
protection. The whole matter was referred to a committee, 
which reported January 23d, 1784, briefly, that there was noth- 
ing proved which could not be remedied by process of law, and 
that there was no evidence that the irregularities wxre authoriz- 
ed or sanctioned by Justice Patterson. Daniel Clymer, Esquire, 
of Berks county, rose, and reading one of the depositions, de- 
clared there was evidence enough in that to show that Alexan- 
der Patterson ought to be removed. General Robert Brown 
said he was certain no member of the house could imagine him 
in the interests of the people of Wyoming beyond the bounds of 
truth and a desire to do justice. He had visited Wyoming, as 
one of the committee upon the subject, and had heard all the evi- 
dence upon both sides. The wrongs and sufferings of the peo- 
ple of Wyoming he was constrained to declare were intolera- 
ble. If there were ever on earth a people deserving redress, it 
was those people. I^et the depositions lying on the table be 


read, and afford the House an opportunity to judge. An evi- 
dent desire was manifested to get rid of the subject ; the land- 
holders' interest predominating, Speaker Gray somewhat ir- 
regularly remarked from the chair that Justice Patterson had re- 
turned to Wyoming ; that he could not be prosecuted without 
being present ; that the session was drawing to a close, and im- 
portant business pressing, which must be laid over, if this mat- 
ter was pressed. In accordance with these suggestions the sub- 
ject was allowed to rest. While these measures were in agita- 
tion, the policy of Justice Patterson was displayed in causing a 
petition to be presented, signed by names distinguished among 
the settlers, complying with his demands, relinquishing the pre- 
tended claim under Connecticut and soliciting the bounty of the 
Assembly, which was somewhat ostentatiously extended to the 
grants being made to Shepherd, Spalding, and a dozen others, 
of lands in the western part of the State. The gentlemen an- 
swering to those names among the settlers disavowed the pro- 
ceedings, and whatever became of those land warrants we have 
been unable to learn. 

Other influences, in free States ever potent, began now to 
affect the interests of the settlers. At the preceding fall elec- 
tion Captain Simon Spaulding and twenty-three others repaired 
to Northumberland, some of them traveling a hundred miles, 
and none of them less than sixty, to reach the nearest place for 
balloting. After taking the oath of allegiance, their ballots 
were deposited in separate boxes lest they should be deemed ir- 
regular ; but this caused it to be known for whom they voted. 
So nearly were parties divided that these twenty-four votes de- 
cided the election of a member of the Supreme Executive Coun- 
cil, two Representatives to the Assembly (one of these was 
Frederick Antes) and the Sheriff. Justice Patterson remon- 
strated vehemently but unsuccessfully against the commission 
being given to Henry Antes, Esquire, thus chosen Sheriff of 
Northumberland county. The Assembly rejected the votes 
for members, which produced a protest from the minority, brief, 
but so well drawn, and being the first political Pennsylvania 
party movement bearing on the affairs of Wyoming, we insert 
it entire : 

"\\'e, whose names are hereto subscribed, considering the 
security of elections the only safeguard of public liberty and the 


peace of the State, do protest against the determination of the 
House on the Northumberland election, for the following rea- 
sons: We conceive the twenty-four votes set aside as illegal 
were given by legal voters, inasmuch as the persons giving them 
were in fact in the government (though not in the territory) of 
Connecticut, which exercised a full jurisdiction over them until 
the decree at Trenton. We observe that allowing it to be Con- 
necticut, as was contended, until the decree at Trenton, then 
they may be deemed persons coming from another State, who, 
producing certificates of their having taken the oath to this 
State, become by law entitled to vote; this it was fully proved 
they had done. Of this construction we apprehend there is 
clear and express precedent in the case of the inhabitants of 
Westmoreland and Washington, on the settlement of the Vir- 
ginia line, who were admitted to vote immediately as persons 
coming from another State. 

'*We cannot but lament the fatal policy, which, instead of 
conciliating these people and adopting them as our subjects 
and citizens, and endearing them to us in political bands, we are 
straining the laws against them, and the adopted inhabitants 
of Virginia, and hold ourselves clear of the consequences which 
must flow from such unadvised proceedings, which, in our judg- 
ment, has a strong tendency to revive the dispute which may 
yet do under the Articles of Confederation, and drive them back 
to the jurisdiction of Connecticut, which will be more ready to 
receive them, and renew the old claim, when theyfind the ac- 
tual settlers excluded from the common privileges of the citi- 
zens of this State. Therefore, we wish it to be known to our 
constituents, and to the world at large, that we have borne our 
testimony against the determination on said election." 

It seemed as if the very elements had conspired to aug- 
ment the woes, or to try the fortitude of the Wyoming people. 
After a winter of unusual severity, about the middle of March 
the weather became suddenly warm, and on the 13th and 14th 
rain fell in torrents, melting the deep snows throughout all the 
hills and valleys in the upper regions watered by the Susque- 
hanna. **The following day," says Chapman, "the ice in the 
river began to break up and the streams rose with great rapid- 
ity. The ice first gave way at the different rapids, and floating 
down in great masses lodged against the frozen surface of the 


more gentle parts of the river, where it remained firm. In this 
manner several large dams were formed, which caused such an 
accumulation of water that the river overflowed all its banks, 
and one general inundation overspread the extensive plains of 
Wyoming. The inhabitants took refuge on the surrounding 
heights and saw their property exposed to the fury of the waters. 
At length the upper dam gave way and the huge masses of ice 
were scattered in every direction. The deluge bore down upon 
the dams below — which successively yielded to the insupporta- 
ble burden, and the whole went ofif with the noise of contending 
storms. Houses, barns, fences, stacks of hay and grain were 
swept off in the general destruction, to be seen no more. The 
plain on which the village of Wilkesbarre is built, was covered 
with heaps of ice, which continued a great portion of the follow- 
ing summer. Reduced by successive visitations of ill-fortune 
to poverty, this providential infliction sweeping off many dwel- 
lings with their furniture, rude though they were, hasty substi- 
tutes for those the savages had destroyed ; the loss of provisions, 
clothing, cattle and hay, left numbers a prey to extreme suffer- 
ings, which their neighbors were in no condition to relieve. 
Learning the distressing event. President Dickinson (with grati- 
tude and honor be it recorded) sent the following message to 
the Assembly on the 31st of March: 

'^Gentlemen : The late inundation having reduced many of 
the inhabitants of Wyoming to great distress, we should be glad 
your honorable House would make some immediate provision 
for their relief." 

Pennsylvania, in every other instance just to a scruple and 
generous to profusion, yet under the influence of land specula- 
tors, the Assembly labored under too deep a prejudice to re- 
gard the settlers as objects of commiseration or charity, and no 
aid was afforded. The welcome and abundant shad fishing that 
ensued, alone prevented actual starvation. \\'ith the opening 
of spring, the soldiery began to remove fences, disregarding the 
Connecticut boundaries, and establishing those of the Pennsyl- 
vania surveys. Resistance was made, and a determination 
avowed not to submit peaceably to the measure, the people in- 
sisting on a legal trial, declaring that to a regular and fair judi- 
cial decision they would yield implicit if not cheerful obedience. 
Forthwith more vigorous and decisive measures were resolved 


Upon, and Justice Patterson, to prepare the mind of Council, 
wrote to